This research effort explores the difference in black and white perceptions concerning racial inequality in the contemporary American workplace. Age, educational attainment, personal income, political views, gender, and work status were used to delineate interactive effects on inequality perceptions. Conflict Theory was used for framing the social inequality process. Historically, conflict theorists have viewed relationships between groups as being characterized by competition or conflict resulting in social inequality. The data used to examine perceptions of racial inequality were obtained from the 2016 General Social Survey. This research effort found that blacks and whites demonstrated very different perceptions regarding workplace racial inequality. Generally, blacks believed there are significant barriers to equal treatment while whites felt that no remedies are necessary for ensuring minority participation in the workplace. The findings showed black and white respondents had very different perceptions for addressing workplace inequality. Black individuals tended to view preferential hiring and promotion as a way to successfully reduce racial inequality. Whites, on the other hand, illustrated the opposite viewpoint by overwhelmingly not supporting preferential treatment as an organizational tool for dealing with workplace racial inequality.
Demographic transition is an extraordinary phenomenon in the 21st Century United States. The racial, gender, and social class landscape is rapidly changing. Shortly after the United States Census was completed in 2000, Latinos became the largest racial minority group surpassing Black Americans. It is projected by 2050, Asian Americans will experience a 300% increase in population size from 1990. Women will continue to outnumber men. The upper-class and under-class are dramatically increasing while the middle-class is shrinking. These facts provide a brief snapshot of the ongoing transformation within the American society [
Changes in key demographic characteristics will significantly impact the workplace resulting in challenges for those leading government, non-profit and private organizations. The future workforce will increasingly be composed of individuals from historically disenfranchised racial, gender, and socio-economic groups. All other important economic, political, educational, and technological initiatives will be impacted by a diverse American society as well. Differential and restricted access within organizations based on race, gender, or social class thereby preserving aspects of privilege could contribute to continued discrimination and inequality in the contemporary workplace.
Addressing demographic transition and ensuring the legal components of equal access are two of the most critical issues facing the United States. Creating discrimination-free workplaces which offer professional growth for employees across various dimensions such as race, gender, and socioeconomic status will continue to be an organizational challenge [
The purpose of this research effort was to explore the perceptions of how racial inequality in the contemporary American workplace should be addressed. This endeavor focused on two aspects of racial discrimination by comparing how black and white individuals perceive institutional approaches linked to reducing inequality. One approach consisted of reducing racial prejudice and discrimination through the use of affirmative action policy. The other involved blacks working themselves up the workplace ladder as other minorities have done historically, thereby reducing inequality. Additionally, age, educational attainment, personal income, political views, gender, and work status were used to delineate interactive effects on the perceptions of the two approaches connected to workplace racial inequality.
Dominant-subordinate relationships between White Americans and Black Americans were established in the United States through the institution of slavery. During the Colonial era, slavery for Black Americans became a lifetime experience around 1660 and it codified racial segregation [
A society’s culture plays a vital role in creating perceptions of reality among its members. Sociologists argue that social reality is the perceptions of social behavior and conditions which individuals harbor. Therefore, individuals react to their perceptions as if they are real. Merton described this as a self-fulfilling prophesy [
Perceptions of reality often produce standardized images of individuals, groups, and organizations. These are often referred to as stereotypes [
Perceptions are only partially reflective of social reality. They can create disconnects and distortions of reality. All of the defining social reality components are embedded in culture. Differences between ideology and reality can be found within society, often between social groups. In the United States, perceptions of racial inequality provide an example of this paradox. The ideal is that every individual enjoys racial equality as reflected in the American value system. The reality is that there are institutional impediments relative to racial equality resulting in a racially stratified society [
Group dynamics frames the understanding racial inequality created and maintained through discrimination. A group can be defined as a collection of people, based on an attribute, who interact with one another and have a certain feeling of unity [
The conflict theoretical perspective is appropriate in framing the social inequality process. Historically, conflict theorists have viewed relationships between groups as being characterized by competition or conflict resulting in social inequality [
Social closure plays an integral role in maintaining inequality between social groups. This is especially true for differences between racial groups [
H1: White and black individuals perceive affirmative action policy differently. Whites tend to view the policy less favorably in comparison to their black counterparts.
H2: White and black individuals perceive using the minority model of working one’s way up in the workplace to offset discrimination differently. Whites are more likely to believe that working one’s way up is appropriate for minimizing discrimination in comparison to their black counterparts.
The sample used to examine perceptions of racial inequality in the workplace were obtained from the General Social Survey (GSS) conducted on the adult United States population in 2016. It is an area-probability sample utilizing a national sampling frame for an equal-probability multi-stage cluster sample of housing units for the entire United States. These data provide a great deal of information on core demographic, behavioral, and attitudinal questions including those related to racial inequality [
This study employed multiple logistic regression analysis utilizing a number of research variables. The sociological theory discussed earlier provided the foundation for the statistical analysis.
Dependent Variables. The database included two variables related to perceptions of racial inequality in the workplace. These were used as dependent variables and how respondents were queried is displayed below.
Question 1. “Are you for or against preferential hiring and promotion of blacks?”
Question 2. “Many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Blacks should do the same without special favors.”
The response categories for preferential hiring and promotion are1 = strongly support preference, 2 = support preference, 3 = oppose preference, and 4 = strongly oppose preference. The response categories for overcoming workplace prejudice are 1 = agree strongly, 2 = agree somewhat, 3 = neither agree nor disagree, 4 = disagree somewhat, 5 = disagree strongly.
Independent Variables. The analysis considered seven possible predictors to one’s attitudes regarding racial inequality in the workplace. These include race (dummied into two categories; 0 = White, 1 = Black), gender (dummied into two categories; 0 = men, 1 = women), political views (1 = liberal, 2 = moderate, 3 = conservative), labor force status (1 = working full-time, 2 = working part-time, 3 = not working), age (spanning 18 - 89 years of age), highest years of formal education completed (ranging from 0 - 20 years), and annual personal income.
Two multiple binary logistic regression models, guided by our theoretical underpinnings, were created for responses linked to perceptions of racial inequality in the workplace. It should be noted that the two dependent (response) variables were measured as categorical variables. Support for preferential hiring and promotion of blacks was collapsed into two categories (not support = 0 and support = 1). Blacks working their way up was recoded into two categories as well (agree = 0 and disagree = 1). Making these binary variables facilitated the predictive nature of logistic regression analysis.
The standard error of the mean (SEM) was examined for the variables used in this research effort. For each variable, it was concluded that the SEM was small enough to conclude the variables were acceptable estimates of the population parameters (see
Race was employed as one of the most important independent variables. About 81% of the sample was white and the remaining 19% was black. This distribution over-represented both racial groups slightly in comparison to their overall composition of the United States population. This posed no methodological challenges with respect to the statistical analysis utilized in this study.
The two racial inequality perception variables illustrate interesting distributions. Approximately 76% of the respondents said they were against preferential hiring and promotion of blacks. Additionally, nearly 63% indicated they agreed that blacks should work their way up without special favors (see
The bivariate chi-square analysis shows that racial background impacts political viewpoints, perceptions of hiring and promotion, and perceptions of working up without special favors. For political views, the modal response for both black and white respondents was moderate. However, blacks tended to say they were liberal and whites tended to say they were conservative. Regarding preferential hiring and promotion, about 82% of whites opposed this policy in comparison to 59% of blacks. It was found that 66% of white respondents and 48% of black respondents felt that blacks should work themselves up without special favors. Lastly, there was a difference found relative to work status. The majority of both groups were working either full-time or part-time (see
Binary logistic regression analysis was used to determine multiple variable
Mean | Standard Deviation | Standard Error of the Mean | Percent | Number | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Race | 0.01 | ||||
White | 81.1 | 2100 | |||
Black | 18.9 | 490 | |||
Gender | 0.01 | ||||
Male | 44.7 | 1158 | |||
Female | 55.3 | 1432 | |||
Political Views | 0.02 | ||||
Liberal | 28.4 | 709 | |||
Moderate | 37.3 | 932 | |||
Conservative | 34.3 | 858 | |||
Labor Force Status | 0.02 | ||||
Working Full-time | 46.2 | 1195 | |||
Working Part-time | 11.6 | 300 | |||
Not working | 42.2 | 1093 | |||
Age | 49.48 | 17.40 | 0.34 | 2559 | |
Educational Attainment | 13.82 | 2.87 | 0.06 | 2582 | |
Personal Income | $23,665.67 | $28,562.47 | $742.20 | 1481 | |
“Are you for or against preferential hiring and promotion of blacks?” | 0.025 | ||||
Strongly support | 14.1 | 227 | |||
Support | 8.3 | 134 | |||
Oppose | 30.6 | 492 | |||
Strongly Oppose | 47.0 | 755 | |||
“Blacks should work their way up without special favors.” | 0.031 | ||||
Strongly agree | 36.3 | 611 | |||
Agree somewhat | 25.9 | 436 | |||
Neither agree or disagree | 15.9 | 267 | |||
Disagree somewhat | 10.9 | 183 | |||
Strongly disagree | 10.9 | 184 |
influence on hiring preference and ways minorities work their way up the employment ladder. Regarding preferential hiring and promotion, it was found that
Item | White % | Black % | Chi-Square |
---|---|---|---|
Political Views | 23.75*** | ||
Liberal | 27.8 | 30.7 | |
Moderate | 35.7 | 44.4 | |
Conservative | 36.5 | 24.9 | |
Total | 100.0 (2033) | 100.0 (466) | |
Labor Force Status | 0.47ns | ||
Working Full-time | 46.0 | 47.0 | |
Working Part-time | 11.5 | 12.1 | |
Not working | 42.5 | 40.9 | |
Total | 100.0 (2099) | 100.0 (489) | |
“Are you for or against preferential hiring and promotion of blacks?” | |||
Strongly support | 10.5 | 29.6 | 91.46*** |
Support | 7.5 | 11.8 | |
Oppose | 31.2 | 28.0 | |
Strongly Oppose | 50.8 | 30.6 | |
Total | 100.0 (1304) | 100.0 (304) | |
“Blacks should work their way up without special favors.” | |||
Strongly agree | 38.1 | 28.6 | 62.18*** |
Agree somewhat | 27.4 | 19.6 | |
Neither agree or disagree | 15.7 | 16.7 | |
Disagree somewhat | 10.6 | 12.2 | |
Strongly disagree | 8.2 | 22.8 | |
Total | 100.0 (1370) | 100.0 (311) |
ns, not statistically significant, *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.
race, political views, and educational attainment influenced preferential hiring and promotion. Race had the strongest influence. Blacks were almost two times more likely to support preferential hiring/promotion in comparison to whites. Political conservatives were about two times more likely to not support preferential hiring/promotion policies in comparison to non-conservatives. Individuals with higher educational attainment were more likely to support preferential hiring/promotion policies. It should be noted that gender, work status, age, and personal income were not related to these perceptions of addressing racial inequality in the workplace. The regression model explained approximately 13% of the variation in attitudes toward preferential hiring and promotion of blacks (see
The perception of blacks working their way up like other minorities was
Preferential Hiring | Working Way Up | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
Variables in Model | B | Exp (B) | B | Exp (B) |
Race | −1.381*** | 0.251 | 0.967*** | 2.630 |
Gender | −0.079 | 0.024 | −0.014 | 0.986 |
Conservative | 0.822*** | 2.272 | −1.039*** | 0.354 |
Work Status | 0.309 | 1.363 | −0.263 | 0.769 |
Age | −0.011 | 0.989 | −0.010 | 0.990 |
Educational Attainment | −0.087** | 0.917 | 0.217*** | 1.243 |
Personal Income | 0.000 | 1.000 | 0.000 | 1.000 |
Constant | 2.838*** | 17.074 | −2.566*** | 0.077 |
Hosmer/Lemeshow Test (X2) | 9.668 | 8.712 | ||
Nagelkerke R Square | 0.130 | 0.178 |
*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, and ***p < 0.001.
impacted by three dependent variables. White respondents were 2 1/2 times more likely than blacks to agree that blacks should work their way up the employment ladder like other minorities. In addition, respondents who labeled themselves as political conservatives were 1 1/2 times more likely to feel that blacks should follow the employment process of other minorities when compared to non-conservative respondents. Individuals with higher education were more likely to disagree with blacks should work their way up the employment ladder similar to other minorities. It should be noted that gender, work status, age, and personal income were not associated with this dependent variable. The overall regression model explained approximately 18% of the variation in perceptions of blacks working their way up the employment ladder (see
This research effort found that blacks and whites demonstrated very different perceptions regarding workplace racial inequality. Generally, blacks believed there are significant barriers to equal treatment while whites felt that no remedies are necessary for ensuring minority participation in the workplace. Based on the statistical analysis, the research hypothesis stating white and black individuals perceive affirmative action policy differently was accepted. The second research hypothesis positing white and black individuals perceive using the minority model of working one’s way up in the workplace to offset discrimination differently was accepted as well.
The findings showed black and white respondents had very different perceptions for addressing workplace inequality. Black individuals tended to view preferential hiring and promotion as a way to successfully reduce racial inequality. Whites, on the other hand, illustrated the opposite viewpoint by overwhelmingly not supporting preferential treatment as an organizational tool to combat workplace racial inequality. Being politically conservative was also related to not supporting these types of policy (white respondents were more conservative than their black counterparts).
Perceptions related to the historical model used by other minorities to improve their employment participation is associated with race and political viewpoints. Whites and those politically conservative felt that blacks should use the same model and, as a result, racial inequality will be mitigated. Higher educated individuals seemed to be less supportive of this historical model as a vehicle for blacks in contemporary American society.
As emphasized earlier, the two theoretical hypotheses were supported by the research findings. The substantial differences in perceptions of workplace racial inequality and how to address it are indicative of a widening gulf between black and white Americans. The findings are indirect indicators of a racial divide within the United States which was strengthened by recent political polarization dating back to 2008. As a result, racial groups do not share a similar viewpoint of society. Rather, they appear to develop and employ differential perceptions of American society and racial differences continue to be challenge throughout the institutional fabric of the United States.
Lewis, R. (2017) Differences in Black and White Perceptions regarding Addressing Racial Inequality in the Workplace. Open Access Library Journal, 4: e4199. https://doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1104199