Open Access Library Journal
How to cite this paper: Gómez-Quintero , J.D., Marcuello-Servós, C. and Huedo, M.L.S. (2014) International Development’s
Hidden Agenda: Towards a Latent Modernization of “Traditional” Societies. Open Access Library Journal, 1: e870.
http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1100870
International Development’s Hidden
Agenda: Towards a Latent Modernization
of “Traditional” Societies
Juan David Gómez-Quintero1, Chaime Marcuello-Servós1, Maria Luisa Sierra Huedo2
1Universidad de Zaragoza, Zaragoza, Spain
2Universidad San Jorge, Zaragoza, Spain
Received 27 August 2014; revised 4 October 2014; accepted 5 November 2014
Copyright © 2014 by authors and OALib.
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY).
http://creativ ecommon s.org/l icens es/by/4.0/
Abstract
This paper examines the existence of a hidden agenda in international development i.e. a group of
latent ideas to promote social change in “tradition al ” societies. The arguments to support and
analyse this proposal come from empirical work during several years and places, with special
emphasis in Colombian ethnic minorities who receive aid from European agencies. This main idea
focuses in three areas that are the part of the development projects: gender equality, environ-
mental awareness and economic rationality. The transmission of a hidden agenda does not cor-
respond to any explicit intention of the foreign aid actors, but to the empowerment of modern
logic as the only possible way to establish “adequate” social changes.
Keywords
Colombia, Hidden Agenda, Devel opment , Modern Society, “T r ad i ti o nal ” S oc ie ty
Subject Areas: Development Economics, Sociolog y
1. Introduction
Non-governmental organizations (NGO) and international development agencies usually land in remote areas of
non-industria lized countries imple menting pr ojects in different fie lds from socio-cult ural to econo mics wi th the
issue of developing and improving the live conditions of the people. However, in many circumstances, these in-
terventions contra dict traditional cult ural patterns and traditio nal ways of doing things by certain soc ial and eth-
nic groups.
These projects participated of a hidden agenda that is showing unconscious actions and behaviours from NGO
worker s fr o m i ndu st ri al ize d co untr ie s a nd ur b an c o nte xt s . We use the term “hidden agenda” because it allows us

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to clarify some intentions and objectives of international development. Some authors like Sachs affirm that “the
hidden agenda in de velopmen t it was on ly the westernizatio n of t he world” [1]. In a certain way, it is an o ld ap-
proach.
There are many authors who have studied hidden intentions in social action or social justice for example the
works of Ivan Illic h [2] and Bell Hooks [3] about a hidden curriculum, or Robert Merton’s theory about the la-
tent functions [4] as well as Linda Tuhiwai Smith [5]. These reflect an invisible dimension in transforming or
keeping the given or established social order.
Moreover, the term “hidd en agenda” has different connotations and references. “Hidden a genda” i s a f amo us
and relevant computer game created in the 1980s, where the player take the role of a leader of a post-revolu-
tionary government in late 20th century Latin America, as president of Chimerica, a fictitious country. “Hidden
agend a” is political thriller fil med in 199 0 and directed by Ken Loach. Following D ennis Smith [6] the globali -
zation has a “hidden agenda”. And “hidden agenda”, according to Denis Goulet and Michael Hudson [7] is a
part of the myth of aid and the development reports.
Nevertheless, the main objective of this article is to show that there is a hidden agenda in development trans-
ferring a set of practices and social norms that are set around a modern Weltanschauung, (cosmovision). We
conceive cosmovison as the set of images that a society or culture has on the real world in a period of time. For
Lander [8] the modern view o f the world is t he naturaliza tion of social relatio ns that come fro m the conception
of social life from the modern and liberal society. This is why the majority of development agents understand
that rationalization of life, individualism or even the modern conception of time are timeless universal values
and th ey are very i mpor tant for “underdeveloped” or non-industrial ized societie s in order to b eco me indus trialized
or “developed”.
Sociologist s like Szto mpka [9], Rist [10] and Latour [11] consider the development of non-industrialized so-
cieties as a way for copying the model of Western societies. In other words, for them modernization of “tradi-
tional” societies is the same as westernization.
We show that some procedures used in international development, promoting social change in “traditional so-
cieties” o r communi ties, ha ve a hid den agend a. This i s not an evil i ntentio n in orde r for western societie s to in-
troduce certain topics or practices. However, they are aspects of social modern life or patterns that due to their
importance and value are indirectly transmitted to other people who do not share the same Cosmovision.
2. Method and Context
We p osit tha t ther e are differ ent hidde n agend as in i nter natio nal de velop ment, b ut the y ha ve a co mmon p atter n:
they are a set of beliefs and latent practices transmitted by development workers that set up objectives and estab-
lish procedures that come from Western societies. Usually strategic plans are developed wherever the funds
come from, setting general objectives by the West and never or some times partially taking into account the
main beneficiaries of the projects (Marcuello y Marcuello) [12].
This statemen t is the re sult of the outco mes of our studies, doing in different count ries and periods. We started
in the 1990s in Central America. However, here, we will focus in years 2006 to 2008 considering a particular
case between Spain and Colombia. We used an inductive qualitative approach. The methods used were (22)
semi structure interviews with open-ended questions, to a purposeful sample of different development workers
and participatory action research. Half of the selected NGOs were from Aragon, Spain and the other half were
their counterparts in different Departments in Colombia1. Qualitative research was the most indicated one for
this t ype of stud y since we wanted to know the percep tions, tho ughts and impressi ons of d evelop ment wo rkers,
who are implementing projects in Colombia.
At first, Aragonese organizations, which have had presence in Colombia, were selected for the study. Aragon
has international, national and local agencies that run and manage all range of budgets and programs. This is
why with the sele cted Aragonese NG Os sample would still be valid and it would rep resent all type of or ganiza-
1Aragonese NGOs: 1) Seminario de Investigación para la Paz. 2) Fundación Juan Bonal. 3) Comité Cristiano Óscar Romero. 4
)
Ent recult uras ( Fe y Alegrí a). 5) M édicos del Mundo. 6) Coord inadora CASCOL. 7) Comité de Solidaridad Internacionalista. 8) InteRed . 9
)
AMAT. 10) Acción Solidaria Aragonesa. 11) Proclade. To find it: www.aragonsolidario. org/
Colombian NGOs Counterpart: 1) COCOMACIA, Quibdó. 2) Diócesis de Quibdó. 3) Fe y Alegría Colombia, Bogotá. 4)
UNICEF
Colombia, Bogotá. 5) Escuela Nacional Sindical, Medellín. 6) Fundación Jaidé. 7) Red de Mujeres del Chocó, Quibdó. 8)
Federación
Chocoana de ONGs, Quibdó. 9) C orpor aciónRE GION, M edellí n. 10 ) Confederaci ón Colombiana de ONG. 11)
Codesarrollo, M edellín. To
find it: www.ccong.org.co

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tions.
According to the Plan Director of Spanish Development 2005-2008 from now on (MAE) [13] the two first
topics mentioned above are transversal to all Spanish Development Projects funded by the Spanish Agency of
Internatio nal Development an d Cooperatio n, (AECID). The third to pic mentioned ab ove, tries to unfold a set o f
practices and meanings that are under the strategy of financing development projects in order to support eco-
nomic initiatives like micro cred its and fair trade.
There are many anthropologists (Viola [14]; B retón, [15]; Gimeno y Mo nreal, [16]; Picas, [17]) and sociolo-
gists (Serbin, [18]; López y Uldemolins, [19]) who have been criticizing Spanish international development
projects, mainly because of the direct consequences of great socio-cultural changes imposed to the beneficiaries
of those projects: “usually (agencies) have defined agendas that are ‘exported’ to the South, prioritizing global
issues that are not always found in the cognitive horizon and the local demands” (Serbin [18]: 72).
L. T . S mit h [5], when talking about post colonialism, says: “This is bes t artic ulated by Aborigi ne ac tivist Bo bbi
Sykes, who asked at an academic conference on post-colonialism, ‘What? Post-colonialism? Have they left?”
(1999: 24).
However, we do not want to focus on the po litical o r eco nomic side of the exter nal and unilater al defi nitio n of
the development agendas. We focus on the hidden processes by which certain values and social conquests of
modern societies are transferred to non-industrialised soc ieties. T his means an identi ficati on of a dir ect symbolic
aggression of certain processes promoting social change in peripheral societies. We should take into account and
reflect for a moment, how long western civic society has ta ken to cha nge, in topics like gender equity or envi-
ronmental awareness. All of a sudden, these long-term fights from the West, are moved, in a very mechanic way
and out of context to development projects and need to be implemented in “traditional” societies.
Such social conquests are the result of historical processes that could be located and placed in a certain time,
like the twentieth century, in a certain space, western democracies, and with certain actors, social movements
and political parties among others. That questions the supposed universalism and timeless condition of certain
causes when these get to certain non-industrialized countries. However, it seems that Western countries urge the
implementation of these topic s in t heir development projects.
Such agendas in development programs and projects aim to transform certain discriminatory/oppressive situa-
tions, which violate basic Human Rights in traditional communities. At the same time, the latent dimension of
international development agendas through certain practices and procedures are contradicting some objectives
and principles that motivate the defence of those objectives. This in Human Rights has been called Universalism
vs. Particularism.
The following areas will drive to show the existence of a hidden agenda in international development: 1)
Promotion of top -down practices in gender eq uality; 2) Environmental awareness among indigenous populations;
3) T ransferring a western economic rationalism. We select those analysis categories because it are transversal to
most of the projects of internatio nal d e velopment coope ration.
3. Promotion of Top-Down Practices in Gender Equality
We don’t discuss the value of certain development agencies general objectives, like gender equality. We show
that top-d own d eci sio n ma king, which is normally used in fieldwork, is not the most appropriate for the success
of development projects. Grassroots development has long time ago, proved its success and impact in many
projects. We see unfair the way certain funding agencies (donors) have made compulsory that gender equality
had to be present in the projects they fund. Where do the logic framework methodology and all those grassroots
and bottom up international development practices stand under this funding pressure? Recipient’s perception is
similar to thi s opinion: “agencies from the Netherlands or from the European Union have established that: Pro-
ject that does not have gender equality as an objective has less chances” (CI-01)2.
We could observe that these kind of compulsory transversal topics and practices are reproducing top-down,
unidirectio nal gender relations that have alr eady been criticised. It could not be denied that the presence of gen-
der equality topics as a part of programs and projects funded by International and National Develop ment Age n-
cies is a must in order to get the m funded and that, in a way it comes from larger strategic plans. As Stromquist
[20] affirms, those strategic actions identified in the Platform for Action in Beijing 1995, include among some
2The co de CI-## means Colombian Interview and the number is the chronologi cal order of in terview. The code S I-## means Spanish Inte
r-
view an d the number is the chronologic al order.

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“Encourage consciousness-raising of girls” and “T ra in wo me n in self -reliance and leadership”.
However, this is understood by NGOs that ge nder equality must be included in their projects in order to ob-
tain funds. Hernández and Suárez [21] affirm that western feminist movements, “speaks from a powerful struc-
ture and it has been able to impose a po litical agenda as the only valid agenda to build gender equity”. Altho ug h,
to define Wester n feminism3 is such an extended top ic that another a rticle could be written a bout it.
One of the interviewees, who is a leader of a women’s group from Chocó4, when talki ng ab out support fro m
development agencies and States, she made obvious that in certain cases these funding agencies are more con-
cerned and worried about the diagnose and implementation than local communities and organizations: “Red de
Mujeres del Chocó (Wom e n’s Group of Chocó) is funded by the Canadian Gender Fund, because they want to
establish gender equity culture in all the projects that are being implemented here and to improve women par-
ticipation in politics and also educate them so they can participate in the strengthening of civic empowerment”
(CI-02).
When she refers to “they”, she is implying that gender equality is probably not an implicit objective coming
from the beneficiaries or local communities. This is, maybe, because there is no identification with gender ine-
qualities, or maybe that gender equality in Canada has certain social, cultural implications, different to what
might be understood in Chocó, Colombia as gender equality.
The interviewee refers as “the m” whe n talki ng ab out ge nder equali ty a nd the i ntere st to pro mote equit y, a s if
it was coming from outsiders and not from within local communities. This does not show a total disagreement
between local communities and donors, but it does show that the defended arguments about change and real de-
velopment tha t should follow a bottom-up process are in this case not being followed.
Barrig [22] in a stud y wit h ind igeno us wo men fro m Cuzco observed that the implementation of gender equality
actions from projects was done in a very forced way. She also clarified that this was done like that, because the
identification of the factors that originated the problem would have come from outsi de fu nding agencies.
Under that point of view, this is then a forced implementation of artificial gender equality that results in one
community being the outcome of the sum of single human being that could be classified in two types, according
to their gender. This forgets the existence of community attachments, that are strongly merged and which repre-
sentat ions t ransc end t he idea of ind ividua lis m. The se auto nomo us indi vidua l huma n bein gs are c oncep tion s that
are not understood in collective societies ([22]: 83).
Moreover, in Central America, Waterman [23] analyzed how a value import process is directly related to sus-
taina bi lity and ge nd e r p r o gra ms fund e d b y I nte rnatio nal A genc ie s . This ca n b e u nde r stood in a si mil ar way as in
how there was a value import process during the missions during colonization. Waterman affirms that values,
such as personal hygiene, were imposed by white colonizers. This for example is still reflected in how indige-
nous women from Guatemala prefer to deliver their babies at home than going to hospitals. This is mainly be-
cause at the hospital they are forced to take cold showers while in their culture the ritual is to go to the Mayan
sauna after givin g birth.
As Waterman [23] and Barrig [22] have stated, the type of language used by International Development
Agencies in topics such as gender it might mean a way to guarantee funds. However, this kind of language, in
many occasions empty (technocrat), may hide certain type of relations that continue on the margins of the pro-
jects.
The meaning of gender therefore should be considered in relation to cultural contexts. The same as some
modern feminism has ended up being identified with certain male behavioural pattern. Post-modern feminism
(Lazreg, [24]; Parpar t, [25]) de nounces t hat Eur opean fe minism tr aditio n has end ed up d emandi ng liber ation o f
“Third World” wo men, the s ame way as Western women. A Spanish de velopment wo rker, who has worked with
indigenous women in Colombia, mentioned that t he vision or perception of her European condition in the Em-
bera indigenous community had originated high expectations among women, in order for her to play a male role:
“When I go to the Local Govern or Town Hall, they open the doors for me, it would be v e ry difficult to do my job
if I was Colombian. To be a foreigner for the group, for my wo rk repre sent s a p lus […] in the community I play
my male role because I walk up front like men do” (CI-09).
3When we use t h e term west ern fem i n i sm , we ref er t o t h e main m oder n f emi ni s t th eori es , whi ch inc lud e li b era l f emi ni s m, s oc ial is t fe
minism
and radical f em inism.
4It is the poorest department in Colombia. Located in the West, between Department of Antioquia (coffe
e area with a major industrial and
service sector, the capital is Medellín) and Pacific Ocean. Its population is mostly African descent, with the presence of so
me indigenous
groups.

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If we look at the definition of equality, it is a process a change of norms, values, attitudes and perceptions
needed in order to reach certain status. According to this definition, when certain projects are about establishing
equit y or intro duci ng gende r pe rsp ecti ves, t he y might sound paradoxical. This process empowers the beneficiar-
ies, changing power relations in people who before had little authority over their own lives (Sen) [26]. This
shows an uneven interaction, where an organization establishes certain cultural values and perspectives financ-
ing projects and giving specific technical support to those projects. Creating a new culture, this could be ques-
tioned mainly because it might be seen as a colonizing culture or as tr ying to i mpose new behavioural patterns
perceived or understood as the ones coming from the colonizers.
Gender is considered transversal to reach an objective in the development world. However, there are certain
factors that are directly attached to gender that have not been taken into account like ethnicity, identity and ter-
ritory. It is believed that women’s liberation is only possible copying the same processes and attitudes that west-
ern women have gone thr o u gh ( Shiva , [27]; Escobar, [28]; Gimeno&Monreal, [16]; Mohanty, [29]; Parpart, [25]
and Barrig, [22]).
Butler allows us to open our minds to the possibility that maybe the abstract idea of gender does not exist,
meaning that gender is connected to a wide group of characteristics: “class, ethn ic, sex ual and regional ide ntitie s
const ructed in the discourse” (Butler [30]: 34-35).
We ask if deep inside this universal extension of gender equality is related to an extension of capitalism. The
latter pretends to set free those subjects attached to tradition and culture, in order to incorporate them into the
market world. Castro-Gómez [31] has explained how modern development has also consisted on the proletariz-
ing of those communities that somehow where resilient to capitalism.
This hidden agenda suggests that being docile and accepting certain imposed equality patterns can be seen as
the same previously imposed patriarchal patterns. Imposing even though are certain gender equality patterns, is
at the end an imposition and therefore an obligation. There are many Western feminists who practice a moral
discourse over poor and illiterate women from the South, which remind us to the similar patriarchal authority
that the first ones got rid of in the first p la c e . It is a way of looking to indigenous communities with super iority.
Western feminism has been close to secularization and individualism. They claim the rationalization of the
female body and about a moral that subjugated and constrained the female body. However, many authors
(Hooks [3]; F. Mer nissi, [32]; S. Mahmood, [33]) explain how the existence of a Western hegemonic feminism
has limited the possib ilities of other fe minist expr essions. They have speci fied the colonial and i mperial charac-
ter of certain feminisms. Although the African or Muslim feminisms are not looking for that secularization or
individualism but for a change in roles and spaces related with women and religion, or a change of roles related
with women and power, and women and freedom.
In Latin America, it i s interesting to see ho w feminist groups r elate to famil y and the co mmu nit y like the y d o
women indi genous groups from t he And es (River a) [34]. The s ame wa y it is impor tant t o mentio n the grea t ef-
fort that C hicano feminist have done in order to defend their i dentity like Anzald ua [35].
On the hidden agenda about gender issues there are great efforts towards building gender equality, reproduc-
ing the same o ne as in the West with the i mplementation of concepts li ke liberalism, secularizatio n, rationalism
and ind ivid ualis m. Thes e do no t take int o acc ount the expressions of wom en who l ive in t he per ipher y. Thi s fo-
cuses on women from non-industrialized countries like passive participants of social transformations, missing
their own heroic efforts towards building other ways of gender equality. We see those women, who some of
them lack economic resources and education, as active agents not as passive participants, and they (as it can be
seen in all the interviews) are against copying and reproducing Western patriarchal “progressive” cultural pat-
terns. Those voices need an opportunity to be heard and respected.
4. The Environmental Question: Teaching Indigenous Populations?
Another tra nsversal topic in i nternatio nal develop ment pro jects is respect for the environment. In the recent past
years there has been an important increase in the number of international environmental NGOs working in
Chocó, Colombia, where there is a major interest in preserving the rapidly degradation of the Darién Forest5. We
are referring here to certain international NGOs that only work with specific international organizations, which
5Located in Northern Ch ocó next t o Panama. It is on e of th e regions with more moistu re and biodi versit y per squa re kilometr e i
n the world.
Its exi stenc e “prevent s” the end of the Pan-
American highway tha t communicates by lan d to Central and North America with the sout hern
continent. Hence, this area is called “the Darien Gap”.

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focus on environment.
According to certain interviewees working in the Chocó Region there is a well-known preference for NGOs
and I nte rna ti onal Agencies specialised in environmental projects. According to the NGO Federation from Chocó
(Fedechocó), these NGOs and agencies are the ones receiving larger international amount of funds. This could
be understood due to the value of the Darién Forest, which is mai nl y loca ted in t he Cho c ó Regio n, t his i s one of
the world largest ecological reserves. What worries Fedechocó is that it seems to be an occasional interest and
that in a couple of years it might be transferred to another part of the world, or the funds might be relocated to
another project or area more important then. This sudden and excessive interest for the environment coincides
with political or scientific criteria external to the local communities, the same as what happens with gender
equality proj ects.
The increasing interest in the protection of the Darién Rain Forest could be understood in more than one way.
This rain forest is not protected because there are people who have been living there over 500 years and they
could directly suffer from its own environment destruction, but because it is seen as a national representation,
patriotic symbol and because it has a great potential of tourism.
It seems paradoxical that in recent years there have been environmental projects which main objective is to
train indigenous communities how to take care of their natural resources, in where they have been living over
centuries: “It is still supposed that the benevolent Western (white) hand will save the Earth. [...] God forbids that
a Peruvian farmer, an African nomad or a rubber worker from the Amazon would have something to say on that
matter” (Escobar [28]: 365).
One of the last trends in higher education in Colombia is to give scholarships to indigenous people to study
graduate programs (Master Degree) in sustainable development. We found out while doing field work in Medel-
lin, Co lomb ia, when we had t he opp ortuni ty to ge t to know a group of ind igeno us gr adua te stude nts from P utu-
mayo, a re gio n in the Co lo mbia n Rai n Fo rest , who wer e studying a master’s degree in development6. O nce the y
graduate they have easier access to funds in order to develop sustainable development projects in their rural
communities. This could be developed into a further study about what the real intentions are with this kind of
program. Are they training in sustainable development that respects, protects and preserves indigenous commu-
nities? Or ar e they training in a sustainable develop ment that pr otects Weste rn interests in indigenous co mmuni-
ties?
It is interesting that indigenous co mmunities are seen as prospect students to learn how to preserve and how to
take c are of the ir own natur al envir onment . There is a tend ency to thi nk that the “Knowledge” that comes from
the West is superior to the traditional knowledge (Giddens [36]; Marcuse [37]). This is mainly seen when the
western development worker or since expert travels to rural communities to explain how the beneficiaries of the
projects should develop the projects in order for these ones to be more sustainable. The projects explained are
not only related to environment, they are about cultural patterns and about their bodies as well. When western
development workers reject local knowledge, they show little awareness and consideration towards rural com-
munities with whom they work with. According to Latour [11], it is the modern human being who absorbs the
society and nature and tries to control them through economic and scientific production. After so many years
promoting one kind of development that broke the close relationship between traditional human beings and Na-
ture, it would b e the c urrent human being the one called to rebuild that relations hip .
It is interesting to see ho w contrad ictor y they seem the efforts made by foundations, multilateral organizations
and NGOs in order to reco mpose the fractured relationship between society and nature. They focus all their en-
ergies on teaching ecological agriculture, naturally breeding their children and even the protection of biodiver-
sity. All is made trying to p rotect traditional co mmunities. Ho wever, on the first place those traditio nal commu-
nities changed certain patterns of behaviour some time ago when the first development projects and the first
fundi ng got to the re mote ar eas wher e the y live, b elievi ng then that t he West had the key for a bette r and mo re
“developed” way of life. As for example it happened when breastfeeding was thought not to be good for the
mother nor the child ren or even whe n it was quest ioned the wa y indige nous mothers carry t heir b abies wrappe d
on their backs or on their chests. However, these agencies do not concentrate on denouncing the violation of
collective rights to public entities and businesses that instead of promoting development have tried to promote
extensive agriculture, building great infrastructures and the commercialization of certain type of food and certain
6Some universiti es in Colombia , the Mini stry of Cultu re and other organiza tions such as the Fulbright Commission offer grant s for indig
e-
nous and Afro-Colombians who wish to take graduate courses in Colombia and the United States. Some areas of expertise are educ
ation,
development, environment and culture. www.fulbright.edu.co [on line] 31 January 2008.

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pharmaceutical products. There are chapters in the history of the origins and development of agricultural afro-
descendants organizations that have gone through a consciousness process of the risks of this kind of develop-
ment (COCOMACIA y Red de Solidaridad social, [38]: 113 ).
Durin g t he 1 990-decade sustainable development, ecological agriculture and ecotourism changed the previous
expansive development model. These new trends might have two important problems. On the one hand, the
rapid imple mentation o f t he pre fix eco - a nd the adjective sus ta ina bl e, is t r yi ng t o minimize the p ro gr es si ve inva-
lidity of other expressions such as “exploitation of natural resources”. On the other hand, there are some gov-
ernmental programs and private programs that are hiring local tourist guides and forest guarding families7 are
placing on the farmers and natives the last responsibility of taking care of their natural environment. It seems
that with the e xternalizatio n of the environme ntal responsib ility of far mers and i ndigenous peo ple, the so called
third generation rights (also called environmental rights) would be inhabitants’ responsibility and not big com-
panies’ responsibility which have over the years claimed modernization and development.
As a matter of fact, “the most successful NGO in Chocó is Asociación Ecológicadel Chocó (Ecological Asso-
ciation from Chocó)” (CI-02), this is mainly due to all the funds that they got from international agencies. We
see this as what happened with gender equalit y, an external transmission understood in a different way by local
people. We do not want to affirm that local people do not value environmental issues, but they perceive their
needs and problems in a different way. Agencies and NGOs from the “Norther n” value it in a traditional and
conservative way, as if they were trying to save the lost treasure: “At the Federation of NGOs I have three NGOs
focusing on environment and they all receive funds from international NGOs, Chocó is a world ecological res-
ervation and there are many agencies and NGOs that are interested in helping to protect and preserve this rain
forest” (CI-02).
Communities of Afro descendants would mainly want to be autonomous, so they can decide what to do with
their collective land. The background of their organizations, especially Peasant Association from Atrato River is
related with the defence of their territory against wood companies and also against the lack of knowledge of
their government, which during the sixties applied the term “national waste lands” to those territories. As we
have mentioned before, we believe that follo wing grass roo ts develop ment methodo logies in order to implemen t
environmental p rojects would help to protect those indigenous communitie s and the areas wher e they live.
5. Understanding Bureaucratic and Economic Rationalization
It is generally known that a very common international development technique is funding development projects
through local NGOs as counterparts. These implicit practices are interrelated and based on public funding,
non-refunding loans and micro credits. They teach and transmit an economic model (competitive in order to get
certain public funding for certain projects, justify expenses and a closed accounting system), this implies that
traditional groups of people accept those modern practices mentioned above.
It can be very difficult to give financial support to development projects that promote traditional economical
systems or even cultural preservation of certain minorities. As for example the justification of expenses in a tra-
ditional business project (productive practice inherited by their ancestors) with bills, tickets and receipts. This
implies the imposition of a Western model, reducing and limiting traditional economical practices of many in-
digenous cultures. The negative side effects might be reflected in two very different attitudes among the com-
munities bene fiting from these p rojects: one predictab le attitude that satisfies t he funding institution with an ex-
pected outcome and a “correct behaviour”, and a second one which keeps their traditional ways of developing
projects as they be lieve they should b e done and jus t ified .
We would also like to comment the conception of time. Development projects implemented by international
agencies or funded by international agencies or NGOs imply a time conception that understands prediction,
planning and evaluation procedures. This is a big change in a traditional conception of time and also in farming
periods, as well as seasonal and community times (Fägerlind & Saha ) [39].
According to Kottak [40] [41] and Hur tado [42] there is a great disparity in timing mainly between benefici-
aries of development projects, as well as the tensions that occur when a rationalized time frame is imposed to
chronological cultures. As a Spanish development worker in Colombia states: “Sometimes they say—‘if you do
not do the activ ities in certain dates, we won ’t fund them’, then , before having the house, we have to buy every-
7National Development Plan submitted by the administration of President Uribe (2002-2006) entitled “Towards a Communitarian State” i
n-
cluded the creation of ranger’s families who took positions of responsibility and monitoring their environment.

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thing in order not to loose all those funds, therefore it is not the regular rhythm of implementation that the pro-
ject norma lly follows” (SI-04).
Everyone who has worked for an international NGO or agency doing fieldwork knows that this situation is
common. This as well as regional interest for funding has been a stressful moment for more than one develop-
ment worker in the field. Another important latent transformation is the commercialization of the development
work d one with t he co mmu niti es. W hen you wor k wit h rura l co mmuni ties i mple me ntin g a p roj ect, after the par-
ticipatory rapid appraisal, the community and the beneficiaries agree to collaborate in certain aspects of its im-
plementation. T his agreement is do ne according to the proj ect and to the possibilities of th e beneficiaries. Ho w-
ever, different NGOs have different procedures about this aspect and there are some communities that have been
overwhelmed with projects, because they are located in priority intervention areas, spoiling this tacit collabora-
tion agreement. A volunteer (SI-09) for an organization explains how the access to more funds by different or-
ganizations weakened the strings of mechanic solidarity, and the beneficiaries started to ask for salaries. These
excha nges o f favour s prac tices us uall y change when inte rna tional agenci es arr ive to rural communitie s and start
paying for services that were seen before as a favour. There are different ways of viewing the solidarity from the
communities. Once big organizations start to pay for certain services that previously were free, it changes be-
havioural patterns in rural communities. Once this starts it is very difficult to go back, and then all NGOs are
forced to pay. The chain of favours is broken and Western behavioural patterns imposed and accepted by tradi-
tional and rural communities.
Thi s process could be seen as a modern version of the expansion of capitalism. A thesis already mentioned
above, is that international development with their projects, unconsciously transmits a modern liberal society
model as the only possible one. There are differen t options called “alternative economy” or “alternative p roduc-
tivity”, even though most o f the time the alternative is not ne w, it is only an effort to keep traditio nal production
patterns. These patterns do not necessarily generate more products to accumulate capital neither have a central-
ised pro duction o r distr ibution. Fair trad e projec ts and micro c red its are a go od example of this. T hese initiati ves
might be seen as a soft version of capitalism, trying to be fair when distributi ng benefits (Tand on [43]: 59).
However, many communities are asking for their right to have an economy based on their basic needs, even
though this demand challenges the rationalization of capitalism. Many economic development programs have
been focused on improving farming techniques in order to make the production more efficient, and increasing
their capital. These programs assume that the beneficiaries want to accumulate capital as a based of their growth
and development, not taken into account their own conceptions of value, their relationships facing production
and their efforts to keep away from capitalism. These assumptions of many agencies and NGOs reaffirm the ex-
istence of an international development hidden agenda that transmits unconscious practices as universal and
valid ones.
The solution for many communities is to go back to a subsistence economy, self-sufficient and autonomous
(Shiva) [27]. This model proposes the creation of societies based on decentralised and self-sustainable econo-
mies, p roduc ing for re gional nee ds with the ir own reso urces, in a way that protects nature and human-bei ngs in
their social relationships. There are some actors from the civil society who show great resistance to this initiative.
The consequences of being incorporated to the productive system of the capitalist world system could be worse
than being kept in their subsis tence economy (Kottak [40]: 307).
Some recent works in Anthropology and Development have analysed social and cultural impact of imple-
menting certain production practices in the traditional communities. Far away from uniformity, each culture or-
ganizes differently its own ways of producing and creates its own universe of symbols. That way, what Western
hege mon i c d isc ourse c o ns id er s na t ura l, to o t he rs it mi ght not only be anti -natural, b ut alie nati ng eve n malicious.
There are rural societies in which the economic activity is in the structure of their rights and obligations, there-
fore to start b eing part of the market creates importa nt distortions a mong social networ ks and value syste ms (Pi-
cas Contreras) [17].
Lets take the specific case of the collective lands in Chocó, Colombia, where it has been observed how prop-
erty models based on non-rationalized elements like family relations, have started breaking, when commercial
partnerships and new economic partnerships arrived there. In order to sell or buy some la nd in those collective
lands you mainly need family relationships and the approval of the nearby land owners (COCOMACIA and Red
de Solidaridad Social, [38]: 237) . T he se mod el s g uar ant ee t he gr o up co he s io n a nd the ma intenance o f t he fa mily
structure through the production of smallholdings. One of the main fights of the Major Community Council of
the Integral Farmers from Atrato (COCOMACIA) has been trying to avoid the division of those ties and the

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weakened of their structures mainly promoted by private enterprises and the tenant farmers (settlers) from An-
tioquia (people of mixed race from a neighbouring and richer department) independent who have a liberal con-
ception about property and the use of the lands.
In the North of the Cauca V a lley, somethin g similar happens with the Embera indigenous communities. T hese
communitie s are trying to stre ngthen their collec tive identities in order to avoid the selling of their lands. Ho w-
ever, they are facing great difficulties because they are being pressured to sell the lands that they have owned
forever, neit her fro m national p rivate enter prises nor inter natio nal one s, neither from settlers, b ut from drug t raf-
ficking. According to the words of an interviewee, the drugs cartels from the Northern part of the valley, “they
get into the communities saying what they have to do, what they have to plant in order to make a lot of money,
and this generates social disintegra tion, […] many destabilizing elements at the community level” (CI-08).
Nowadays, the techniques used to get not proletarian social groups to de velop alternative market practices are
more progressive and innovative. However, sometimes socializing fair trade practices among indigenous com-
munities implies so me kind of alter native pro letaria nization, although those ar e fairer with their b enefits than the
international free market ones. There are NGOs that have trained those indigenous communities in western in-
ternational clot hes sizes a nd ho w to sell their traditio nal products i n internatio nal market s, as an economic alte r-
native.
In 2004 the Colombian Environment Ministry broadcasted a program called green markets in which they
supported the creation and development of enterprises founded by indigenous peoples. These enterprises had to
follow certain re quirements, their products needed to have their own coffee brand8, this program was supported
by The Netherlands Emba ssy, the Tayrona Indigeno us Confederation, the organization representing the indige-
nous commu nit y Ar hua co 9 and Carrefour. It is interesting to see the diversity of the partic ip ants of thi s pr ogra m,
this c ould me an the c ommitm ent of a ll orga nizatio ns to ea se the i ntroduc tion of indige nous’ pr oducts in the i n-
ternational market, through conventional or alternative distribution networks. However, those channels were
supposed to follow fair trade patterns, which ironically are part of the international French chain Carrefour. Fi-
nally, Tiwun was the chosen name for this coffee brand. This indigenous name is used to get the attention of
buyers, and it is sold as an ecological/organic product, “this product is cultivated in Sierra Nevada de Santa
Marta with sustainable methods that have allowed it to be certified a s ‘organic pro duct’ by the French fir m Eco-
Cert” ( El Tiempo Newspapaer, Bogotá, 2 October 2004).
We have not access to sufficient data to affirm that the situation of the Arhuacos would be more vulnerable if
they were not part of these productive/market systems, we are not judging the results but the possible conse-
quences of those procedures. National and international organizatio ns start including to th e economic globaliza-
tion, gr oup s t hat have be en away from it a nd t he e ffe ct s t h at t hi s mig ht ha ve in the so ci a l r el at io ns i n fl uenc e d by
capitalism and commerce. If social cohesion of certain groups of people is based in identity, tradition or r elation
with the land, we ask ourselves what will be the effects, if capitalist market relations substitute them.
A direct consequence of this is that certain ethnic groups, when being part of internationa l development pro-
jects, are implementing new practices based in competitiveness, efficiency and efficacy of their resources. This
resembles the McDonalization process by Ritzer [44] by which efficacy criteria, calculus, prediction and control
are universalised over all social life dimensions.
This is very much related with the own logic of subsidies, which implies practices from the main spirit of
capitalism. Generally a development agency allows some part of their budget to promote and implement an al-
ternative economic project, but the administrative procedures to get those funds force the communities to know
and control terms and practices already mentioned. The competitive process to access those subsidies and funds
makes rural communities to change their behavioural and cultural patterns. This is why the efforts that those
communities do in order to implement and develop alternative economic projects would be, by all means, a cul-
tural mask, or a productive simile that will make those who have funded the projects happy. This will also in-
crease their dependency on external funds, which we all know would not be there forever.
We see here again the existence of a hidden agenda in the international development world. In order to get the
economic resources that finance an alternative productive project, certain specific skills are needed; those come
from a traditional economy. This way procedures introduced by international development projects transform
8“Indíg enas Arhuac os lanzan s u propia ma rca de café”. (Arhuacos Indigenou s offers their bran d of coffee).
Gust avo León Ra mír ez Osp ina,
Medellín. El Tiempo Newspapaer, Bogotá, 2 October 20 04.
9The Arhu ac os are an indi genou s c ommuni t y of 22,000 p eop le livi ng in th e Sierra Nevad a of Sa nta Marta on the Car ibbean coa st of Colo
m-
bia.

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traditional p roc edure s and practices even without kno wing, fro m those commun ities that t he y try to develop . For
exa mple, o ne of t he or ganiz atio ns that wor k with the E mber a (an i ndige nous gr oup) , tra in commu nit y membe rs
in planning their expenses and in financial management of the funds that they are granted with (CI-08). This
support through training is important as part of technical help, although it is also crucial to be conscious that
these NGOs are socializing these indigenous communities in modern rationalised bureaucracy. Being conscious
about those matters make us clearly see how certain practices are preserved, although indigenous communities
are trained in other practices that are considered a must. It seems that all indicators point to modernity, or at least
what the West considers modern.
6. Conclusions
We have not tried to suggest a lack of activity in the actions of international development when facing the im-
mediate obvious social transf ormation induced. I t would be interesting for peo ple who work in internatio nal de-
velopment to think about how certain strategic areas of intervention are proposed and implemented.
How do certain priorities get to be to try to avoid the top-down implementation process and to establish a
bottom-up impleme ntation decisio n process? When we talk about grassroots development, a key part is to listen
to and try to understand what indigenous communities are saying and why they are saying it. Important social
transformations in Europe and in United States of America during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were
long and difficult processes of consciousness, mobilization and social recognitions. Therefore, we cannot pre-
tend an immediate transformation.
In a similar way, plenty of the objectives of Latin American societies correspond to their own cultural values,
norms and trad itions. T his i s wh y it is impo rtant to k no w, listen a nd dia logue inter natio nal d evelopment agendas
without assuming the legitimacy and universality of certain objectives and goals. Development projects should
be a two-way road, where consensus is a crucial part of the final decision. We should take into account that no
matter what beneficiaries are the ones who would live there generation after generation, we as development
workers or researchers will leave the area sooner than their traditions.
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