
R. AQUIL
However, to my knowledge, no study has ever translated the
findings of the literature in relation to primary stress in CA into
an Optimality Theoretic Framework1. In this paper I attempt to
accomplish this feat.
The data set analyzed in this paper is drawn from Cairene
spoken Arabic2. Studies conducted on Arabic so far have either
focused on Classical or Modern Standard Arabic, and on Clas-
sical Arabic as pronounced by Egyptian or Cairene3 Arabic
speakers, what has come to be known as Egyptian Radio Ara-
bic (Halle & Vergnaud, 1987; Hayes, 1995; Kenstowicz, 1980;
McCarthy, 1979; Mitchell, 1960b). As a result, the findings and
motivating models available in the literature are, for the most
part, based on the Cairene pronunciation of Classical Arabic, a
variety that may exhibit two different stress systems: Cairene
Arabic and Classical Arabic pronounced in a Cairene way. The
literature motivates the inclusion of Classical Arabic since it
supplies the data with a wider array of possible syllabic shapes,
and thus provides a stiffer test for any proposed model (Hayes,
1995: p. 67).
Because studies investigating the stress pattern of CA have
generally looked at the CA pronunciation of Classical or Mod-
ern Standard Arabic norms, I set on analyzing a CA data set
independent of Classical, in order to present a stress account
that is based solely on uniquely CA phonetic outputs.
The CA data in (1) show that stress in CA words is placed on
the penult, whether it is heavy or light, but may also be placed
on the ultimate final syllable if it is super-heavy or on the ante-
penult whether it is light or heavy. Therefore, neither position
nor weight is the sole decisive factor in determining where
stress should fall.
From the data-set in 1) we can reach the following generali-
zations:
4) Generalizations on stress
a) Monosyllabic words must be bimoraic.
b) Main stress in bisyllabic (LL) words is on the left syllable.
c) In a polysyllabic word, the main stress must fall on the
rightmost light or heavy syllable.
d) Stress does not fall on a final CVC syllable.
e) Stress falls on a final syllable only when it is CVV or
super-heavy, i.e., CVCC or CVVC.
Well-established phonological analyses of minimal word re-
quirements in the literature demonstrate that some languages
require content words to be of some minimal size, often two
syllables or two moras (Kenstowicz, 1994). In CA, a monosyl-
labic content word must be superheavy, CVVC or CVCC. A
final consonant does not add to the weight of a syllable, so only
superheavy syllables reach the minimum size of two moras. As
a result, a degenerate foot must be forbidden—a conclusion al-
so reached by Watson (2002) within autosegmental phonologi-
cal theory.
Since super heavy syllables attract stress, we can infer that a
constraint, which prefers weight to be stressed, must be at play.
Likewise, since stress falls on one of the last three right-most
syllables, an alignment constraint favoring the right edge of the
word must also be at play in stress assignment. Directionality of
how feet are constructed also plays a role in where stress falls,
as exemplified in [šágara] in (c)1 where stress is on a leftmost,
rather than the rightmost syllable. Finally, we realize from the
data that final CVC and CVV act differently. The former does
not attract stress, but the latter does.
I propose an Optimality Theoretic (OT) analysis in tableau
(Tableaux 1-11) using violable as well as un-dominated con-
straints. This analysis demonstrates and represents straight for-
wardly and economically the optimal place where primary
stress docks in a word. The following constraints are at play.
Optimality Constraints Ranking Approach
OT adopts a representational framework in which the optimal
candidate that satisfies the high-ranked constraint wins over all
other candidates produced by GEN (the generator that creates
linguistic candidates). The grammar decides on the winner
through EVAL, which selects the best candidate that satisfies
the high-ranked constraints. In addition, the grammar decides
on surface forms; therefore, there is no resort to ordering rules.
In OT, forms are marked with respect to some constraint if they
violate it. These forms are literally marked in that they incur
violation marks for the constraint as part of their grammatical
derivation. In this way, these forms or candidates are consid-
ered losers and an [L]4 is marked in the column of the given
constraint. The constraints in 5) are considered to have a role in
stress placement in CA.
5) Prosodic and stress constraints in CA
FOOT BINARITY (FTBIN)
Feet must be binary under syllabic or moriac analysis
(McCarthy & Prince, 1986, 1990, 1993b; Prince, 1980).
Weight-to Stress Principle (WSP)
Heavy syllables must be stressed (Prince & Smolensky,
1993, 2004).
PARSE-Syllable (PARSE-σ)
A syllable must be footed (Prince & Smolensky, 1993,
2004).
Foot-form (trochaic) (TR)
Leftmost position of the foot is the head of the foot
1Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince, 1993a; Prince & Smolensky, 1993,
2004) is a constraint-based approach to phonological well-formedness. It
posits that Universal Grammar has a set of violable universal constraints
(CON). These constraints encompass universal properties of languages. All
universal constraints are available in every language in the world. However,
each language has its particular ranking of these constraints, i.e., a certain
hierarchy. Some languages may rank a certain constraint high in its hierar-
chy while others may rank the same constraint very low. This difference in
constraint ranking explains the variation that arises between languages. In
addition Optimality Theory (OT) adopts a representational framework in
which the candidate that optimally satisfies a given constraint ranking wins
over all other candidates produced by GEN (the generator that creates
linguistic candidates). The grammar decides on the winner through EVAL,
which selects the best candidate that satisfies the high-ranked constraints.
2CA data was extracted from (Badawi & Hinds, 1986), A dictionary o
Egyptian Arabic.
3Egyptian and Cairene Arabic refer to the same main dialect spoken par-
ticularly in the Egyptian capital of Cairo, and the delta.
This constraint requires feet to be left headed and accounts
for the trochaic form of the disyllabic feet (Prince & Smo-
lensky, 1993, 2004).
PARSE Segment (PARSE SG)
All segments of a syllable must be linked to the level im-
mediately above (McCarthy, 2008).
4I adopt Prince (2002) and McCarthy (2008) comparative or combination
tableau, because combination tableau illustrates the ranking between con-
straints as well as violation marks. In the tableau, each losing candidate is
compared to the winning candidate in regards to each and every constraint.
(W) denotes that the constraint in question prefers the winner rather than
the given candidate. Whereas the (L) denotes that the given constraint
prefers the losing candidate rather than the winner. Blank cells in a combi-
nation tableau denote that the constraint that has the blank cells in its col-
umn does not have a preference.
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