Open Journal of Political Science 2013. Vol.3, No.4, 116-130 Published Online October 2013 in SciRes (http://www.scirp.org/journal/ojps) http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2013.34017 Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 116 Knowledge Gaps, Belief Gaps, Ideology, and Culture Wars Cecilie Gaziano Research Solutions, Inc., Minneapolis, USA Email: cgaziano@prodigy.net Received July 13th, 2013; revised August 12th, 2013; accepted August 22nd, 2013 Copyright © 2013 Cecilie Gaziano. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons At- tribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Ideological and partisan fissures increasingly divide the United States into opposing factions. This article discusses a theoretical framework for research on knowledge and belief gaps in order to better understand increasing gulfs between conservatives and liberals. The perspective develops from “knowledge gap” re- search (Tichenor, Donohue, & Olien, 1970), a “belief-knowledge gap” hypothesis (Gaziano & Gaziano, 1999, 2009), and Hindman’s “belief gap” research (2009, 2012). Hindman distinguished between knowl- edge as empirically observed by scientists and beliefs or views accepted without an empirical foundation, frequently based on religious faith. He, like Gaziano and Gaziano, considered knowledge to be socially constructed. The Gaziano and Gaziano perspective treats knowledge as a form of belief and ideology as a multifaceted concept, maintaining that social and political groups differ in personality, values, moral foundations, attitudes, reasoning styles, conceptions of power relations, and even neurological and genetic make-up. This helps to explain why conservatives and liberals can appear to be two cultures. Their level of analysis is collective, rather than individual, a main tenet is that beliefs are knowledge, and the unit of analysis is “belief-knowledge” differences between ideological segments of social subsystems. This per- spective advocates approaching ideology from a viewpoint of understanding differences. One can begin to frame solutions to ideological conflicts by accepting the other side as valid, by trying to understand the differences, and by appealing to the other cultural groups’ values, conceptual systems, mores, and social life. An important question is how the interests and beliefs of conservatives and liberals, as well as mod- erates, can be addressed to improve social and political system functioning instead of driving them further apart. The article proposes hypotheses and research questions for future research. Keywords: Knowledge Gap; Belief Gap; Ideology; Polarization; Political Theory; Culture Wars Introduction Both political elites and the public have become more polar- ized along ideological and partisan lines in the United States since the 1970s (Abramowitz & Saunders, 2005; Layman, Carsey, & Horowitz, 2006; McCarty, Poole, & Rosenthal, 2006; Shapiro & Bloch-Elkon, 2008; Treier and Hillygus, 2009). Some see this phenomenon as developing from a sorting proc- ess whereby conservatives increasingly identify as Republicans and liberals increasingly identify as Democrats (Levendusky, 2009). Others view this as a process deriving from social dis- tance theory whereby “both Republicans and Democrats in- creasingly dislike, even loathe, their opponents” (Iyengar, Sood, & Lelkes, 2012: p. 405). Regardless of which underlying forces may be at work, po- larization figures prominently in debates about controversial scientific issues such as global warming and climate change (Hindman, 2009; Ladwig, 2010; McCright & Dunlap, 2011), stem cell research (Ho, Brossard, & Scheufele, 2008), sexuality (Burack, 2008; Hindman & Yan, 2012; Smith, 2001), and evo- lution (Ladwig, 2010). Ideological and partisan divisions ex- tend to a wide range of issues beyond scientific matters, such as whether or not Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, numbers of casualties in the Iraq war, national economic conditions, economic inequality, welfare issues, healthcare reform, and Social Security (Abramowitz & Saunders, 2005; Bartels, 2002; Blake & Culley, 2011; Daves, White, & Everett, 2011; Hind- man, 2012; Shapiro & Bloch-Elkon, 2008). Some scholars perceive these clashes over social, moral, or cultural issues to be the eruptions of two different cultures into “culture wars” (Gramsci, 1916-1935, 2000); Hunter, 1992; Thomson, 2010; Zimmerman, 2002). Many view this schism with apprehension, and reasons for these developments are the subject of much research. While conflict can be an important element in the process of public opinion formation, irresolvable conflict harms the democratic process. The objective of this article is to discuss a theoretical frame- work for research on knowledge and belief disparities in order to better understand increasing gulfs between conservatives and liberals and between Republicans and Democrats. The frame- work develops from “knowledge gap” research (Tichenor, Donohue, & Olien, 1970), a “belief-knowledge gap” hypothesis (Gaziano & Gaziano, 1999, 2009), and Hindman’s “belief gap” research (2009, 2012; Hindman & Yan, 2012). Ideology is de- fined as a philosophy or body of ideas that forms the basis of a political, economic, social, or other system, reflects its needs and interests, and provides blueprints for action1. Main ele- 1Retrieved from: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/ideology.
C. GAZIANO ments of American conservatism include a “political philoso- phy or attitude emphasizing respect for traditional institutions, distrust of government activism, and opposition to sudden change in the established order”2. Political liberalism in the US supports reform, openness to innovative ideas, tolerance, broad- mindedness, and willingness to question tradition3. Building on the Knowledge Gap Hypothesis The theoretical framework developed first from work on the knowledge gap hypothesis by Tichenor et al. (1970: pp. 159-160), who postulated that: “As the infusion of mass media information into a social system increases, segments of the population with higher socioeconomic status [SES] tend to acquire this information at a faster rate than the lower status segments, so that the gap in knowledge between these segments tends to increase rather than decrease”. Much research supports the hypothesis, although many scholars have focused on condi- tions under which the gap increases or decreases (Gaziano, 1997; Gaziano & Gaziano, 2009; Hwang & Jeong, 2009; Viswanath & Finnegan, 1996). The Minnesota team empha- sized the importance of studying information control (Donohue, Tichenor, & Olien, 1973; Tichenor, Donohue, & Olien, 1973). Their questions were: Who will assert control over the defini- tion, creation, and dissemination or suppression of knowledge within what parts of the social system? Hindman (2009) and Gaziano and Gaziano (1999) also ask these questions but differ in definition of beliefs and knowledge. Beliefs versus Knowledge Hindman (2009, 2012) distinguished between knowledge as value-free, cumulative, empirically observed by scientists and beliefs or views accepted without an empirical foundation, frequently based on religious faith. His 2009 article referred to “politically disputed beliefs” socially constructed, which social actors can bend to their own purposes. His 2012 article stated, “Beliefs are claims about reality that are not based on evidence, but are instead based on value systems, loyalties, reference groups, social institutions, elite opinions, and ideological pre- dispositions” (pp. 589-590). Hindman (2009) saw beliefs as time-saving thought processes involving little, if any, critical evaluation. Interest groups and political elites seek the power “to define what counts as knowledge, how problems are defined, and which problems are addressed” (p. 792). He proposed that: “Political ideology is a better predictor of the distribution of politically disputed beliefs than is education” and, second, that: “As the infusion of mass media information into the system increases over time, the relationship between political ideology and politically disputed beliefs tends to strengthen” (p. 794). Beliefs Are Knowledge It is not always easy, however, to distinguish clearly between knowledge and belief. For example, McCright & Dunlap (2011) talked about beliefs consistent or inconsistent with the scientific consensus about climate change4. Kuklinski, Quirk, Jerit, Sch- weider, and Rich (2000, 792-793) observed: “To be informed requires, first, that people have factual beliefs and, second, that the beliefs be accurate. If people do not hold factual beliefs at all, they are merely uninformed. They are, with respect to the particular matter, in the dark. But if they firmly hold beliefs that happen to be wrong, they are misinformed—not just in the dark, but wrongheaded”. Gaines, Kuklinski, Quirk, Peyton, and Verkuilen (2007) point out that people may possess facts about an issue, but: Partisan-motivated interpretations can intercede between even accurate factual beliefs and policy opinions. Indeed, in what may be a central paradox of mass politics, those who acquire the most information about a policy and its consequences are also the most likely to rationalize their existing opinions. They have the motivation and ability to use interpretations for that purpose. Facts might play a smaller part in political life than generations of scholars have maintained. People’s perceptions of understanding complicated issues about which they actually know little can contribute to extreme political attitudes, according to Fernbach, Rogers, Fox, and Sloman (2013). Gaziano and Gaziano (1999) viewed all knowledge, includ- ing scientifically supported knowledge, as a form of belief and termed their perspective the “belief-knowledge gap”. A “belief” is an opinion, conviction, confidence in the truth or existence of something not immediately susceptible to rigorous proof, faith, or trust, a principle or idea accepted as true5. Scientific knowl- edge is a form of belief, based on systematic examination of evidence, according to widely accepted scientific principles such as being able to prove a theory false but not to prove it true—only to support it. Other types of belief, such as religious belief, may be based on acceptance of information that has not been subjected to systematic observation of physical evidence. Belief could be based on study of religious texts such as the Bible, in a methodical manner, for example, and be perceived as real. See Evans and Evans (2008) for more on the social construc- tion of both religious and scientific knowledge (p. 97): The earliest canonical texts in what became the sociology of scientific knowledge (SSK), published in the late 1970s and early 1980s, made the case that scientific knowledge is socially constructed, like any other knowledge... Such studies examine religion and science not as feuding sym- bol systems, but rather as social conflicts between institu- tions struggling for power, with the content of the symbol systems definitively bracketed. When scientists prevail in conflicts between religion and sci- ence it is not because of the perception of scientific ideas as 4The seminal knowledge gap article by Tichenor et al. (1970) included, among a number of knowledge indicators, two belief measures: belief that “man would reach the moon” within a certain number of years and belie that “cigarettes cause lung cancer”. Hwang and Jeong (2009) included be- liefs in their conceptualizations of four types of knowledge, the others being factual, awareness, and combinations of these. They characterized “belie knowledge” as counting the arguments that respondents supply about a topic that is, collecting open-ended responses, as opposed to closed-ended re- sponses. These definitions lack conceptual clarity, however. 5Collins English Dictionary, Complete & Unabridged 10th Edition. Re- trieved from http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/belief. 2Retrieved from American Heritage Dictionary: http://ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=conservative. 3Retrieved from the American Heritage Dictionary: http://ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=liberal. Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 117
C. GAZIANO “truth” but because certain institutions were regarded as more credible (Evans & Evans, 2008). Social construction refers to the meaning given to concepts or practices as a result of individuals’ and groups’ patterns of interaction and development of institutions, including beliefs about the reality of these things, rather than intrinsic qualities that exist outside of social contexts. Liberals and conservatives may receive the same information and agree on the facts, for example, the numbers of troop casualties in the Iraq War, but they may differ on what the facts mean (Gaines et al., 2007). One group can perceive the number of casualties as low, while the other regards the figure as high. Receiving additional em- pirically-based information does not ensure that people will change their beliefs (Iyengar & Hahn, 2009; McCright & Dunlap, 2011; Nyhan & Reiffler, 2010). Misinformation, not supported by evidence, can be involved as well, especially that disseminated by partisans or elite opponents of a policy such as health care reform (Nyhan, 2010). Conservatives and liberals can perceive each other’s “partisan-motivated interpretations” as “misperceptions”, setting the stage for deeper rifts between them (Gaines et al., 2007). The belief-knowledge disparity framework includes the fol- lowing assumptions: Beliefs are knowledge. Different groups value the acquisition of knowledge differently or evaluate various kinds of knowledge differently. Causes of knowledge inequities are located primarily in processes of social defini- tion—different groups possess different social definitions. The social system of stratification can play a role in establishing knowledge differentials and creating differences among groups in their construction of knowledge and definitions. Groups vary in their ability to control knowledge, and “social construction of knowledge is often an important means of so- cial control in itself. Control of knowledge that is functional for one group can be dysfunctional for another” (p. 131). Conflict resolution is more complicated when groups clash on defini- tions of issues. It is important to know how groups vary in val- ues, beliefs, personality, norms, and definitions of what counts as knowledge when searching for solutions to social conflicts. Although conflict frequently tends to distribute knowledge more equally in a community or a society (Donohue, Tichenor, & Olien, 1975), conflict appears to increase the development of belief gaps (Gaines et al., 2007; Gauchat, 2012; Hindman, 2009, 2012; Kuklinski et al., 2000). The Gaziano and Gaziano (1999) framework recasts the original knowledge gap hypothesis as follows (p. 130): “As the infusion of mass media information into society increases, cer- tain groups will tend to acquire this information at a faster rate than other groups, so that the gap in knowledge between these groups tends to increase because of differences in their social construction of knowledge—that is, their cultures”. This per- spective agrees with Hindman (2009, 2012) that partisans and elites seek to be in command of the definitions of issues and the outcome of debate about them with an eye to their own benefit. Differences between Conservatives and Liberals Before proceeding further, some important findings about ways in which liberals and conservatives diverge should be taken into account. Attitudes toward Chan ge and Equ ality According to some theorists, conservatism has two main components, resistance to change and support of inequality, because of needs to reduce uncertainty and threat; liberalism is the tendency to support change and oppose inequality (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003; Koleva & Rip, 2009). Uncertainty and threat management had independent effects on self-reported political conservatism, even when ideological extremity was taken into account (Jost, Napier, Thorisdottir, Gosling, Palfai, & Ostafin, 2007). For example, individual variations in death anxiety were significantly related to conser- vatism but not to ideological extremity. A meta-analysis of data from 12 countries considered how well various psychological variables such as dogmatism are related to political constructs such as Right Wing Authoritari- anism, the General Conservatism Scale, and the C-Scale (Jost et al., 2003), all of which are relevant to attitudes toward change and equality. The authors presented an “integrative model of political conservatism as motivated conservatism” showing uncertainty and fear or threat as environmental stimuli acting on three categories of social-cognitive motives, all of which act on political conservatism, leading to resistance to change and endorsement of inequality. The social-cognitive motives in- cluded epistemic motives (intolerance of ambiguity, uncertainty avoidance, need for order), existential motives (self-esteem, loss prevention, terror management), and ideological motives (rationalization of self-interest, group-based dominance, system justification). Motives and outcomes may vary by SES. For example, low status groups may be more inclined to respond to fear, threat, or insecurity by becoming more conservative and attracted to right-wing beliefs, in contrast to higher status groups who may react by adopting more conservative philoso- phies out of self-interest or social dominance motives. Another meta-analysis of 19 Eastern and Western European nations used more generalizable population data from the European Social Survey (Thorisdottir, Jost, Liviatan, & Shrout, 2007), in contrast to the earlier study, which relied considerably on university student samples. Their expectation of one form of resistance to change—traditionalism—and a form of need for order—rule-following—as predictors of right-wing conserva- tism held in both Eastern and Western Europe. Acceptance of inequality, an indicator of conservatism, was sustained as a pre- dictor only in the West, however. Openness to experience, a frequent gauge of liberalism, held in the West but was con- nected to right-wing orientation in the East. The need for secu- rity, associated with right-wing orientation in research mainly in the United States, was affirmed for Western Europe but was related to left-wing orientation in Eastern Europe. One reason for differences was the history of repressive left-wing rule in Eastern Europe. The structures of political and economic sys- tems, therefore, play mediating roles in relationships with left- right orientations. The investigators also concluded that cultural conservatism and economic conservatism are somewhat differ- ent concepts6. Moral Foundations Differ for Liberals and Conservatives Conservatives and liberals draw on different moral founda- 6Although only four Eastern European nations were represented (Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia), with more rapid economic and democratic expansion than some other Eastern European countries not in- cluded, the authors argued that the Eastern European data were of high quality, consistent, and generalizable. Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 118
C. GAZIANO tions, a chief reason why they have difficulty in understanding each other, according to Haidt and Graham (2007), who iden- tify five psychological foundations of morality: harm/care, fairness/reciprocity, ingroup/loyalty, authority/respect, and pu- rity/sanctity. They posit that liberals focus primarily on the first two of these, but that conservatives draw upon all five. The latter three principles have to do with loyalty to one’s group (kin, country), respect for authority, and self-restraint from “carnal” and “disgusting” behaviors (see, e.g., Inbar, Pizarro, & Bloom, 2009). Ideological Differences on the “Big Five” Personality Characteristics Some studies of ideology measure the “Big Five” personality factors: agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, neu- roticism, and openness, at least some of which are associated with ideology. For example, Gerber, Huber, Raso, and Ha (2009, p. 24), stated: The strong linkage between the Big Five personality di- mensions and political attitudes suggests that conserva- tives and liberals appear to be different sorts of people, not just people who happen to hold different political views. These findings imply that personality may be an important and neglected precursor to basic political orien- tations and that personality may shape (directly or indi- rectly) evaluations of contemporary political officials and voting decisions. Agreeableness was associated with liberalism, and conscien- tiousness and emotional stability were linked to conservatism in their large study. In one small study, conservatism tended to be negatively correlated with openness and neuroticism and posi- tively correlated with conscientiousness, extraversion, and agreeableness (Thornhill & Fincher, 2007). Liberalism, in con- trast, was negatively correlated with the latter three variables and positively associated with neuroticism and openness. All correlations were modest. A small study from 1969 to 1971 of children born in the late 1960s provides data on the influence of personality in child- hood and ideology (Block & Block, 2006). The youngsters lived in Berkeley and Oakland, CA, varied in socioeconomic levels, and attended two different nursery schools. Usable data were obtained from 95 of the original 128 children. Personality evaluations were conducted while they were in nursery school as part of the Block and Block Longitudinal Study of Cognitive and Ego Development at the University of California at Berke- ley. These personality evaluations predicted ideological atti- tudes years later when they were 23 years of age. The 49 fe- males and 46 males completed self-reports during several weeks on seven measures: a five-point liberal-conservative self- rating scale, positions on issues such as abortion rights, a po- litical rights (tolerance) scale, the Kerlinger Liberalism and Conservatism scales, personal political activism, and percep- tions of the positions of the two major political parties. The males and females were analyzed separately. The first six measures were convergent and used to construct a composite “LIB/CON” score that was skewed toward liberalism, although those scoring as conservative were relatively more homogene- ous. The more conservative young adults had been described in nursery school as uncomfortable with uncertainty, indecisive, fearful, rigid, more typed in sex roles, more likely to feel of- fended, and more moralistic, among other attributes. Gender differences were more evident, with females more often de- scribed as quiet, neat, and compliant, and males more often characterized as offering unsolicited advice. The more liberal young adults had been seen as more self-reliant, resilient, more likely to connect with others, relatively more non-conforming, and autonomous. As children, the girls had been evaluated as talkative, more dominating, aggressive, and judgmental of their peers. The boys had been described as introspective, wider ranging in interests, and more likely to see simple concepts in more complex terms. Attachment Style and Political Orientation In contrast to the findings of Block and Block (2006), having experienced more childhood stresses and having a sense of less secure attachment to one’s primary caregiver or caring others may predispose people to be more liberal, while more secure attachments and lower childhood stress may predispose them to be more conservative, according to Thornhill and Fincher (2007). Briefly, attachment theory originally concerned how well the primary caregiver was able to respond to the emotional needs of the child in the early years of life (Bowlby, 1969). The literature distinguishes secure parent-child attachment and four types of insecure attachments (Crittenden & Ainsworth, 1989; Main & Solomon, 1986). Studies of adult attachment tend to concern romantic relationships. Unlike Thornhill and Fincher (2007), three other studies of adult attachment and political orientation linked greater security of attachment to more liberal political orientations (Gillath & Hart, 2009; Weber & Federico, 2007; Weise et al., 2008), although findings were somewhat mixed (Koleva & Rip, 2009). One criticism of these studies, all of college students, is that this youthful population segment does not mirror the general population and may not have had much experience with the type of attachment measured—ro- mantic attachments (Koleva & Rip, 2009). Also, the studies’ operational definitions of attachment are not necessarily com- parable. The work of Thornhill & Fincher (2007), Weber and Federico (2007), and Weise et al. (2008) featured three differ- ent kinds of adult attachment scales, and Gillath and Hart (2009) simply used an “attachment security prime” with three condi- tions measured by one item—thinking of a secure attachment figure, a close non-attachment figure, or an acquaintance. Ideology Based on a Conception of Parent-Child Power Relations People may tend to understand ideology in terms of power relations and ultimately, government-citizen relations, accord- ing to the earliest example to which they are exposed—the parent-child relationship (Barker & Tinnick, 2006; Feldman & Stenner, 1997; Lakoff, 2002). In part, the social construction of ideology stems from perceptions of parent-child relations as either nurturance (related to liberalism) or discipline (related to conservatism), and it conditions their views of appropriate gov- ernment citizen relations, according to Lakoff’s theory, tested by Barker & Tinnick (2006). Those who lean toward the nur- turant model are more likely to stress egalitarian and compas- sionate values; those inclined toward the disciplinarian model tend to emphasize political individualism and traditionalism (Barker & Tinnick, 2006; Lakoff, 2002). Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 119
C. GAZIANO Lakoff’s (2002) nurturant model stresses parent-child discus- sion with explanations for rules and with give and take, allow- ing for conflict and disagreement. This model values empathy, social responsibility, and cooperation (Barker & Tinnick, 2006). Lakoff’s “strict father”, or disciplinarian, model stresses strict adherence to authority, punishment for infractions of rules, and competition, in order to protect children from a dangerous and difficult world. This model emphasizes personal responsibility, self-discipline, and strong morals. Other models are possible, and many families fall in between these opposites (e.g., see Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Barker and Tinnick (2006) tested Lakoff’s theory with data from the 2000 American National Election Study (ANES), which allowed construction of an index of items concerning the qualities that children should have7. The authors also created variables measuring strength of partisanship and strength of ideology, as well as indices of value orientations, attitudes to- ward ten social and political issues, and predictors of vote choice and ideological constraint (directional and non-direc- tional). Child rearing scores predicted attitudes toward a variety of issues and of conservatism or liberalism, supporting Lakoff’s hypothesis. Neurological and Genetic Evidence for Ideological Dissimilarities Political orientation can be detected even by research on the brain, as a small experiment with 43 right-handed participants demonstrated (Amodio, Jost, Master, & Yee, 2007). Partici- pants recorded their political attitudes on a scale from ex- tremely liberal (−5) to extremely conservative (+5), and they also responded to a series of tasks calling for a “Go” response as a habitual reaction. Some trials, however, required a “No- Go” response, a stimulus conflict that tends to produce en- hanced anterior cingulated cortex activity, which can be meas- ured by functional magnetic resonance imaging. Being more liberal was highly correlated with several neurocognitive pat- terns related to adjustment to stimulus changes and response accuracy. These results were considered to be consistent with previous research showing liberals to be more adaptable to information complexity, ambiguity and novelty, and conserva- tives to be more responsive to more structured, orderly, and predictable situations. Genetics partially accounts for ideology, according to Alford, Funk, and Hibbing (2005). It is not that specific attitudes are inherited but that genotypes (genetic makeup) of people influ- ence predispositions to attitudes and behaviors, depending on environmental factors. Estimates of influences of nature and nurture come from two large studies of twins in the United States and in Australia. The twins studies are valuable because two kinds of twins are involved in comparisons. The first is monozygotic (MZ) twins, frequently called “identical”, that form from a single egg fertilized by a single sperm. The tech- nical name for these twins is “diamnionic monochorionic” (a small subset is “monoamnionic monochorionic”). The second type of twins is “diamnionic dichorionic,” or DZ twins, com- monly known as “fraternal”, which develop from separate eggs fertilized by separate sperms, and they share 50% of their ge- netic makeup, in contrast to MZ twins, which share 100% of genetic makeup. Modeling procedures have been developed to partition the contributions of heredity, shared environment, and unshared environment in order to compare the correlations of MZ and DZ twins on a wide range of variables, controlling for parental traits and assortative mating of parents. Twins studies typically are not conducted by political scientists, and the psychologists who conduct twins research tend to think of political attitudes as psychological traits, so political attitude measurement has been less than ideal. A number of twins studies include meas- ures of conservatism with a Wilson-Patterson (W-P) Attitude Inventory, however. Alford and his colleagues (2005) gained access to W-P data on thousands of American twin pairs, sup- plemented by correlational analysis of published Australian twin study results. Correlations were analyzed separately for male/male and female/female twin pairs, excluding female/ male DZ twin pairs. In the Virginia data heritability ranged from .18 to .41, and all differences between MZ and DZ correlations were signifi- cant at .01. The mean estimate of the 28 W-P items was .32 for heritability, the mean estimate of shared environmental influ- ence was .16, and the mean for unshared environment was .53. A continuous variable was created further from the responses, and the estimates of this index of ideological attitudes was .43 for heritability, .22 for shared environment, and .35 for un- shared environment. In comparison, heritability of political party affiliation was a mere .14; the mean for shared environ- ment was .41 and for unshared environment, .45. On the other hand, means of affect toward Republicans and Democrats were: heritability, .31; shared environment, .17; and unshared envi- ronment, .52. Genetics played an intriguing role in ideological and party attitudes but scarcely any role in political party af- filiation. In general, the Australian data were similar when atti- tudes on specific issues, such as censorship, the death penalty, and segregation, were examined. Alford and his colleagues (2005) explained further that per- haps the genetic components underlying these results are orien- tations or phenotypes that “run to the very orientation of people to society, leadership, knowledge, group life, and the human condition” (p. 164). Differences in Social Power on a Collective Level Hindman (2009) found that ideology was a better predictor than education of beliefs that global warming has been occur- ring but that both education and ideology predicted beliefs that human activity was responsible for global warming (during a period from June 2006 to April 2008). A hypothesized belief gap regarding global warming between conservatives and liber- als was weakly supported over time; however, it was not sup- ported over time concerning the role of human activity. In other research party identification, however, bested education in pre- dicting beliefs about the value of health care reform during September 2009 and January 2010 (Hindman, 2012). In addi- tion, partisanship was more powerful than education in predict- ing knowledge about the contents of the health care reform bill before Congress, and the relation between partisanship and 7The question wording was: “Although there are a number of qualities that eople feel children should have, every person thinks that some are more important than others. I am going to read you pairs of desirable qualities. Please tell me which one you think is more important for children to have: (1) Independence or respect for elders? (2) Curiosity or good manners? (3) Being considerate or well behaved?” The disciplinarian responses are bold- faced; these were coded as “0”. The other responses, nurturant model, were coded as “1”. Responses were summed to produce a scale ranging from 0 to 3. 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C. GAZIANO knowledge increased during this period. Younger people, fe- males, nonwhites, and those with lower incomes perceived the greatest value in health care reform. Hindman (2012) pointed out that these groups stood to benefit the most from health care reform. Those with highest interest in the issue, on the other hand, tended not to see the value of the bill personally or na- tionally. He thought the divisive tone of media coverage sur- rounding the proposal was partly the reason. Although educa- tion was not a predictor of knowledge over time, income, an- other indicator of socioeconomic status, was. The relation of income to a range of dependent variables may vary according to the positions of ideologues and partisans on issues. Another study used 2008 ANES data to compare more and less educated conservatives, moderates, and liberals (Ga- ziano, 2013). Also studied were other demographics, religiosity, child rearing values, need for cognition, opinionation, orienta- tion toward politics, and mass media. The most striking finding was that, although liberals tended to be more educated overall than conservatives, better educated conservatives had the high- est household incomes and were a proportionately larger group than better educated liberals. No known knowledge gap studies have reported results on one group characterized by high edu- cation and an opposing group distinguished by a different indi- cator of SES, such as high incomes. It may be that when ideol- ogy-based belief-knowledge gaps occur, the most powerful underlying explanation is income, although this might vary by issue. In many respects, the characteristics of more educated liber- als contrasted dramatically with those of more educated con- servatives and evoked the picture of divergent cultures. More educated liberals differed from all the other groups in a number of ways, including a greater propensity to have graduate work beyond college and to be younger, female, non-white, em- ployed, less religious, more oriented toward thinking and com- plex problem solving, and being more opinionated than other groups. They varied markedly from other groups in their child rearing values but were less likely to have children because they appeared to be in earlier stages of their life-cycles than more educated conservatives were. They tended more than others to have encountered the 2008 presidential campaign in magazines and on the Internet, to not have military service, and to be willing to self-identify as homosexual or bisexual. Conservatives outnumber liberals in the general population in the United States, and in particular, better educated con- servatives are more numerous than better educated liberals. More prosperous conservatives may have more access to pow- erful interest groups and have advantages in accumulating so- cial power. The growing antagonism between conservatives and liberals, Republicans and Democrats, is increasingly manifested by rising income inequality, according to McCarty et al. (2006) because the Right no longer espouses policies that work against inequality although the Left continues to advocate for policies that support equality. They argue that these forces decreased in the period from 1913 to 1957 but increased considerably in the 1970s. They examined implications for pronounced socioeco- nomic changes and focused especially on the part immigration occupies in these processes. Conservatives, especially educated or church-going conser- vatives, are more likely than liberals to distrust science, an in- creasing trend according to analysis of data from the 1974 to 2010 General Social Surveys (Gauchat, 2012). Religiosity often plays a role in mistrust of science (Brossard, Scheufele, E. Kim, & Lewenstein, 2009; Gauchat, 2012; Gaziano, 2013; Ho et al., 2008; Ladwig, 2010). Gauchat observed, however, that more than religiosity is at work (2012, pp. 169-170): “One possible interpretation, supported by a growing number of studies, is that social factors such as race/ethnicity, income, religiosity, social capital, and political identifications are at least as impor- tant as knowledge and education in predicting trust in science (Gauchat 2008, 2010; Sturgis and Allum 2004; Yearley 2005)”8. Conceptualizing Liberals and Conservatives as Cultural Groups This multiplicity of characteristics helps to suggest that cul- tural differences are involved. Further, some key components of ideology are described below, which illustrate the argument that liberals and conservatives can be thought of as cultural groups. These elements include attitudes toward change and equality, moral foundations, personality characteristics, models of power based on parent-child relations, differentials in social power on collective levels, and neurological and genetic evi- dence9. Figure 1 summarizes the relationships discussed in this paper. The following four tables of results of logistic regressions on beliefs about sexual orientation, evolution, global warming, and causes of global warming show how predictor variables vary in strength across these issues. The poll from which these data come had several science-related questions, including sexual orientation, evolution, and global warming10. The overall tests of the models are positive, and the Hosmer and Lemeshow tests of goodness of fit between the predicted and observed prob- abilities in classifying the dependent variables are all low and non-significant, indicating models that fit well. The results suggest that liberals and conservatives are different cultural groups. In Table 1 beliefs that sexual orientation can or cannot be changed were examined in a hierarchical logistic regression, in which beliefs were regressed on a first block of four key demo- graphics, a second block including education, ideology, and political party identification, a third block containing literalness of interpretation of the Bible, frequency of attending religious 8Among the factors in such changes, according to Mooney (2005), are the rise of the “New Right” beginning when Ronald Reagan was elected pre- sident in 1980, strengthening when George W. Bush was elected president in 2000, and burgeoning with the development of the New Right media em ire. Components of the New Right—the religious right and transnational corpo- rations—are suspicious of organized science and the intellectual establish- ment in colleges and universities because the religious right perceives sci- ence often to conflict with morality and religious beliefs and corporations perceive science to threaten their profitability. 9Much social science research on ideology does attempt to treat liberalism and conservatism even-handedly (e.g., Abramowitz & Saunders, 2005; Haidt & Graham, 2007; Thornhill & Fincher, 2007), but some appears to take a somewhat negative tone toward conservatism and its related characteristics (Block & Block, 2006; Jost et al., 2007), or at the very least, focuses on antecedents of conservatism while ignoring antecedents of liberalism (e.g., Jost et al., 2003). Less appears to be known about liberals’ intolerance than is known about conservatives’ intolerance, so more research on liberals is called for. 10Data are from the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life from a survey conducted July 6-19, 2006, N = 2003. The response rate was 19.1% (AAPOR RR 4); the coopera- tion rate was 31.9% (AAPOR CR4). The data were weighted to adjust for age, education, nonresponse, and attrition. For the standard definitions of the American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR), see: http://www.aapor.org/Home.htm. Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 121
C. GAZIANO Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 122 Figure 1. Model of the belief-knowledge gap framework, including research findings about characteristics of conservatives and liberals. services, and attitudes toward gay marriage, and then a block of interactions. Scientific evidence indicates that sexual orienta- tion cannot be changed11. The interactions included education by ideology, income by ideology, education by religious service observance, and income by religious service attendance. The significant predictors were higher household incomes, female gender, perceiving the Bible as written by people and only partly or not at all the word of God literally, attending religious services less frequently, favoring gay marriage, and a positive interaction of education and attending religious services. Table 2 presents a somewhat different picture with regard to belief in evolution12. Beliefs were regressed on the same blocks as in Table 1, except that the third block contained a different opinion variable, concerning teaching creationism in schools. The variables that predict belief in evolution were younger age, white race, higher education, liberal ideology, Democratic party identification, tendency to interpret the Bible less literally, less frequent attendance of religious services, negative interaction of education with ideology and also negative interaction of educa- tion with attending religious services. The variables that predict belief in global warming, which the preponderance of scientific evidence supports13, shown in Table 3, were older age, female gender, being less educated, Democratic partisanship, interpreting the Bible less literally, and believing that stricter environmental laws and regulations are worth the cost. The variables that predict belief that human activities cause global warming, the view that most scientists accept as sup- ported by research, were higher education, liberal ideology, Democratic partisanship, believing that stricter laws and regu- lations are worth the financial cost, and a positive interaction of household income with frequency of attending religious ser- vices (Table 4). Table 5 presents additional variables from a different sur- vey14 that make a difference in attitudes concerning support for gays and lesbians being able to adopt children. The variables that predict support for homosexual couples’ adoption of chil- dren were younger age, female gender, higher education, liberal ideology, Democratic partisanship, less literal interpretation of the Bible, lower attendance of religious services, lower au- 13Selected references on the scientific evidence for global warming can be found here: http://www.kings.cam.ac.uk/global-warming/index.html. 14The data are from the 2008 American National Election Study, conducted face-to-face September 2 through November 3, 2008 (N = 2322), with fol- low-up interviews November 5-December 30, 2008 (N = 2102). The re- sponse rate for the pre-election phase was 78.2% (RR5, as defined by AAPOR—see note 10). The post-election response rate was 57.7%. The data were weighted to adjust for age, education, nonresponse, and attrition. 11Evidence that sexual orientation cannot be changed can be accessed here: http://www.apa.org/news/p r ess/r eleases/2009/08/therapeutic.aspx. 12Selected references on the scientific evidence for evolution are found here: http://www.si.edu/Encyclop ed ia_SI/nmnh/evolve.htm.
C. GAZIANO Table 1. Logistic regression analysis of beliefs about whether or not sexual orientation can be changed. Do you think a gay or lesbian person’s sexual orientation can be changed or cannot be changed? (0 = “yes,” 1 = “no”a) Predictors ß SE ß Wald’s χ2 df p Exp(ß) (odds ratio) Constant −.596 .770 .599 1 .439 Age .008 .006 1.676 1 .195 1.008 Income .126 .050 6.381 1 .012 1.135 Gender (1 = male, 0 = female) −.656 .200 10.773 1 .001 1.927 Race (1 = white, 0 = nonwhite) .214 .252 .722 1 .395 .807 Block 1 χ2 45.357 4 .001 Education .042 .091 .211 1 .646 1.043 Ideology (high = liberal) .204 .118 3.007 1 .083 1.227 Party affiliation (high = Democrat) .060 .063 .889 1 .346 1.061 Block 2 χ2 59.167 3 .001 Interpretation of the Bibleb .718 .168 18.346 1 .001 2.051 Religiosityc − .275 .070 15.479 1 .001 .760 Attitude toward gay marriaged − .552 .115 22.898 1 .001 .576 Block 3 χ2 121.001 3 .001 Education by Ideology .125 .112 1.248 1 .264 1.134 Income by Ideology .052 .111 .216 1 .642 1.053 Education by Religiosity .317 .124 6.493 1 .011 1.373 Income by Religiosity .023 .117 .040 1 .842 1.024 Block 4 χ2 11.569 4 .021 Tests χ2 df p Overall model evaluation: Likelihood ratio test 237.094 14 .001 Goodness-of-fit test Hosmer & Lemeshow 10.047 8 .262 Cox & Snell R2 .301 Nagelkerke R2 .403 Note: N = 644 (weighted). aScientific evidence supports the hypothesis that sexual orientation can be changed seldom or never; bLower scores = interpretation literally as the word of God, higher scores = less literal interpretation; cHigher scores mean greater frequency of attending religious services; dLower scores = approval of gay marriage, higher scores = disapproval. thoritarianism, lower opinionation, greater ability to see both sides of an argument, and a positive interaction of income with ideology. The overall picture that emerges from these tables is that, while there is some variation in results, it is not a matter of one variable such as education being more important than another, such as ideology. Certain variables work together to define publics that are characterized by higher education, tendencies toward liberalism and Democratic partisanship, and lower re- ligiosity, and others that are characterized by higher religiosity, greater conservatism, and greater Republican partisanship. There are no surprises here, as other research has demonstrated. One can concentrate on the divisions between these groups, or one can look for ways in which communication can be framed by the opposing group’s values, for example. Working to pre- vent global warming can be presented as patriotism to preserve natural resources and the American way of life (Feygina, Jost, & Goldsmith, 2010) and a religious value to provide steward- ship of natural resources. Conclusions People’s belief-knowledge derives from a complex set of vantage points, depending upon family structure and interaction patterns, social and cultural networks and structure, psycho- logical make-up and values, assumptions about the way the world works, and even genetic traits and neurological process- ing, to name a few. Carney, Jost, Gosling, & Potter (2008, pp. 835-836) observed: “Political orientation appears to pervade almost every aspect of our public and private lives, possibly now more than in recent decades...” Scientists and others who believe in the scientific method have one way of testing knowledge in the hope of approaching truth, and some other social segments rely on other methods, such as religious faith. The multitude of differences makes it very easy for different groups to disrespect each other. In fact, the divisions sometimes Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 123
C. GAZIANO Table 2. Logistic regression analysis of beliefs about evolution. Some people think that humans and other living things have evolved over time. Others think that humans and other living things have existed in their present form since the beginning of time. Which of these comes closest to your view? [order of alternatives was rotated] (0 = “existed in present form,” 1 = “evolved over time”a) Predictors ß SE ß Wald’s χ2 df p Exp(ß) (odds ratio) Constant −3.502 .654 28.718 1 .001 Age −.014 .006 5.501 1 .019 .987 Income −.074 .048 2.332 1 .127 .929 Gender (1 = male, 0 = female) −.283 .187 2.275 1 .131 1.327 Race (1 = white, 0 = nonwhite) .636 .260 5.983 1 .014 .530 Block 1 χ2 23.911 4 .001 Education .431 .094 20.846 1 .001 1.539 Ideology (high = liberal) .406 .116 12.227 1 .001 1.501 Party affiliation (high = Democrat) .134 .061 4.850 1 .028 1.144 Block 2 χ2 113.222 3 .001 Interpretation of the Bibleb .229 .163 57.123 1 .001 3.419 Religiosityc −.141 .068 4.268 1 .039 .869 Teaching creationism with evolution in schoolsd −.280 .202 1.926 1 .165 .756 Block 3 χ2 97.719 3 .001 Education by Ideology −.254 .117 4.689 1 .030 .775 Income by Ideology .055 .114 .233 1 .630 1.057 Education by Religiosity −.398 .130 9.366 1 .002 .672 Income by Religiosity −.050 .110 .208 1 .648 .951 Block 4 χ2 18.358 4 .001 Tests χ2 df p Overall model evaluation: Likelihood ratio test 253.210 14 .001 Goodness-of-fit test Hosmer & Lemeshow 12.341 8 .137 Cox & Snell R2 .300 Nagelkerke R2 .401 Note: N = 703 (weighted). aScientific evidence supports the theory of evolution; bLower scores = interpretation literally as the word of God, higher scores = less literal interpretation; cHigher scores mean greater frequency of attending religious services; d1 = favor, 0 = oppose. are so stark that resolving the conflicts between them can be a daunting task. These groups seek to control knowledge defini- tion and dissemination, and they differ in the ways they value various kinds of knowledge. In fact, they increasingly seek to control the political system rather than to work out differences (Abramowitz & Saunders, 2005; Hindman, 2009; Hindman & Yan, 2012; Shapiro & Bloch-Elkon, 2008). What are the long-term sociopolitical consequences of in- creasing acrimony between groups divided by ideology? Americans need to be alarmed at the degree of polarization and aspects of the political system that allow it to be entrenched (Mann & Ornstein, 2012; Nisbet & Scheufele, 2012), while recognizing that differences between conservatives and liberals can bring balance to policy outcomes (Jost, 2006). Haidt and Graham (2007) stated (p. 110): “We in psychology, and in aca- deme more generally, have a tendency to reject conservative concerns related to ingroup, authority, and purity as ‘bad’ on the grounds that they often conflict with the ‘good’ moralities Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 124
C. GAZIANO Table 3. Logistic regression analysis of beliefs about evidence of global warming. From what you’ve read and heard, is there solid evidence that the average temperature on earth has been getting warmer over the past few decades, or not? (0 = “no,” 1 = “yes”a) Predictors ß SE ß Wald’s χ2 df p Exp(ß) (odds ratio) Constant −2.043 .769 7.061 1 .008 Age .015 .007 4.928 1 .026 1.015 Income .082 .054 2.288 1 .130 1.086 Gender (1 = male, 0 = female) −.496 .219 5.131 1 .023 1.648 Race (1 = white, 0 = nonwhite) −.508 .314 2.619 1 .106 1.662 Block 1 χ2 16.241 4 .003 Education −.213 .107 3.992 1 .046 .808 Ideology (high = liberal) .101 .133 .580 1 .446 1.106 Party affiliation (high = Democrat) .194 .072 7.261 1 .007 1.215 Block 2 χ2 28.057 3 .001 Interpretation of the Bibleb .606 .198 9.313 1 .002 1.833 Religiosityc .142 .085 2.795 1 .095 1.153 Attitude toward stricter environmental lawsd 1.016 .220 21.247 1 .001 2.763 Block 3 χ2 37.066 3 .001 Education by Ideology .098 .125 .621 1 .431 1.104 Income by Ideology .155 .129 1.444 1 .229 1.167 Education by Religiosity −.104 .138 .563 1 .453 .901 Income by Religiosity −.140 .125 1.260 1 .262 .869 Block 4 χ2 8.448 4 .076 Tests χ2 df p Overall model evaluation: Likelihood ratio test 89.812 14 .001 Goodness-of-fit test Hosmer & Lemeshow 5.980 8 .649 Cox & Snell R2 .117 Nagelkerke R2 .193 Note: N = 714 (weighted). aScientific evidence supports a hypothesis of global warming; bLower scores = interpretation as the word of God, higher scores = less literal interpretation; cHigher scores mean greater frequency of attending religious services; d1 = Stricter laws and regulations are worth the cost, 0 = cost too many jobs and hurt the economy. of harm and fairness.” They argued that unless liberals and conservatives can comprehend each other’s differences in defi- nitions, values, and moral motivations, they cannot work to- gether to achieve their desired goals. The Gaziano and Gaziano (1999, 2009) belief-knowledge gap framework treats ideology as a multidimensional concept and maintains that social and political groups differ in a multi- tude of ways that can make conservatives and liberals appear to be two different cultures15. The level of analysis is collective, rather than individual, a main tenet is that beliefs are knowl- edge, and the unit of analysis is belief-knowledge differences between ideological segments of social subsystems. Conserva- tives and liberals tend to define belief-knowledge differently. This perspective allows for approaching ideology from a standpoint of understanding differences. Variables that figured prominently in knowledge gap studies may or may not be rele- vant to investigation on belief-knowledge. New investigations could examine some of these. Some examples of hypotheses and research questions for future research are shown as followed. Examples of Hypotheses 1) The greater the level of perceived conflict in an issue, the greater the belief-knowledge gap between conservatives and liberals. 15Another question is the effect on political moderates in times of threat, such as economic or national threat. Political moderates deserve more re- search since they are a large enough group to affect social policy; thus far, little research exists on them (Treier & Hillygus, 2009). 2) The greater the level of organized group activity on an is- sue, the greater the belief-knowledge gap between conserva- tives and liberals. Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 125
C. GAZIANO Table 4. Logistic regression analysis of beliefs about the causes of global warming: human activity or natural patterns. Do you believe that the earth is getting warmer mostly because of human activity such as burning fossil fuels or mostly because of natural patterns in the earth’s environment? [order of alternatives was rotated] (0 = “natural patterns,” 1 = “human activity”a) Predictors ß SE ß Wald’s χ2 df p Exp(ß) (odds ratio) Constant −3.220 .772 17.408 1 .001 Age −.001 .006 .040 1 .841 .999 Income −.043 .052 .673 1 .412 .958 Gender (1 = male, 0 = female) −.287 .212 1.833 1 .176 1.333 Race (1 = white, 0 = nonwhite) −.321 .268 1.438 1 .230 1.379 Block 1 χ2 8.461 4 .076 Education .277 .096 8.336 1 .004 1.319 Ideology (high = liberal) .305 .127 5.785 1 .016 1.356 Party affiliation (high = Democrat) .193 .066 8.608 1 .003 1.213 Block 2 χ2 53.503 3 .001 Interpretation of the Bibleb .304 .179 2.895 1 .089 1.355 Religiosityc .082 .083 .965 1 .326 1.085 Attitude toward stricter environmental lawsd 1.035 .214 23.404 1 .001 2.814 Block 3 χ2 32.483 3 .001 Education by Ideology .102 .119 .732 1 .392 1.107 Income by Ideology −.040 .124 .103 1 .749 .961 Education by Religiosity −.096 .128 .564 1 .453 .908 Income by Religiosity .346 .127 7.482 1 .006 1.414 Block 4 χ2 11.214 4 .024 Tests χ2 df p Overall model evaluation: Likelihood ratio test 105.661 14 .001 Goodness-of-fit test Hosmer & Lemeshow 8.413 8 .394 Cox & Snell R2 .170 Nagelkerke R2 .238 Note: N = 541 (weighted). aScientific evidence supports a hypothesis of human causes; bLower scores = Interpret as the word of God, higher scores = less literal interpreta- tion; cHigher scores mean greater frequency of attending religious services; d1 = Stricter laws and regulations are worth the cost, 0 = cost too many jobs and hurt the economy. 3) The greater the insularity of specific media access and use, the greater the belief-knowledge gap between conservatives and liberals. Insularity means homogeneity of ideology among communication media. 4) The greater the insularity of membership in organized groups, the greater the belief-knowledge gap between conser- vatives and liberals. 5) The greater the insularity of interpersonal networks, the greater the belief-knowledge gap between conservatives and liberals. 6) Levels of education and income will interact with the magnitude of belief-knowledge gaps such that groups possess- ing lower education and higher income will have more conser- vative definitions of belief-knowledge. 7) Levels of religiosity and education will interact such that higher religiosity and lower education will be related to con- servative definitions of belief-knowledge and lower religiosity and higher education will be related to liberal definitions of Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 126
C. GAZIANO Table 5. Logistic regression analysis of beliefs about allowing gay men and lesbians to adopt children. Do you think gay or lesbian couples, in other words, homosexual couples, should be legally permitted to adopt children? (1 = “yes,” 0 = “no”) Predictors ß SE ß Wald’s χ2 df p Exp(ß) (odds ratio) Constant −3.030 .649 21.802 1 .001 Age −.025 .004 41.715 1 .001 .975 Income .003 .012 .079 1 .779 1.003 Gender (1 = male, 0 = female) −.646 .136 22.555 1 .001 1.908 Race (1 = white, 0 = nonwhite) −.200 .183 1.203 1 .273 1.222 Block 1 χ2 125.605 4 .001 Education .116 .033 12.212 1 .001 1.123 Ideology (high = liberal) .278 .059 22.504 1 .001 1.321 Party affiliation (high = Democrat) .120 .040 9.128 1 .003 1.127 Block 2 χ2 223.516 3 .001 Interpretation of the Biblea .779 .114 46.930 1 .001 2.179 Religiosityb −.204 .046 19.701 1 .001 .816 Authoritarian child rearing values score −.185 .066 8.004 1 .005 .831 How many opinions R has −.184 .078 5.582 1 .018 .832 How often R can see two disagreeing parties as both being right .225 .076 8.653 1 .003 1.252 Block 3 χ2 170.596 5 .001 Education by Ideology .035 .081 .188 1 .665 1.036 Income by Ideology .157 .072 4.791 1 .029 1.170 Education by Religiosity −.126 .076 4.726 1 .099 .882 Income by Religiosity −.042 .080 .278 1 .598 .959 Block 4 χ2 11.779 4 .019 Tests χ2 df p Overall model evaluation: Likelihood ratio test 531.495 16 .001 Goodness-of-fit test Hosmer & Lemeshow 5.505 8 .702 Cox & Snell R2 .305 Nagelkerke R2 .407 Note: N = 1368 (weighted). aLower scores = Interpretation as the word of God, higher scores = less literal interpretation; bHigher scores mean greater frequency of attend- ing religious services. belief-knowledge. 8) As polarization between conservatives and liberals in- creases, income inequality within the society will increase over time, as suggested by McCarty et al. (2006). 9) Since well-educated conservatives tend to have higher in- comes than well-educated liberals, who make up a smaller proportion of the citizenry, income inequality will increase between the better-educated conservatives and the better-edu- cated liberals. Examples o f R es earch Ques tions 1) Does size of collectivity, such as a community or a society, make a difference in the magnitude of belief-knowledge gaps? Copyright © 2013 SciRes. 127
C. GAZIANO 2) Does complexity (homogeneity or heterogeneity) of col- lectivity make a difference in the magnitude of belief-knowl- edge gaps? 3) Does level of issue impact on the collectivity affect mag- nitude of belief-knowledge gaps? 4) Does level of issue importance on the individual level in- fluence magnitude of belief-knowledge gaps? 5) Does the number of economic and political power bases in the collectivity, such as a community or a society, influence the magnitude of belief-knowledge gaps? Pluralistic communities can handle more intensive conflict with their increased numbers of information outlets and power bases than can smaller, more homogeneous communities (Donohue et al., 1975; Tichenor, Donohue, & Olien, 1980; Tichenor, Rodenkirchen, Olien, & Donohue, 1973). 6) Does this hold for belief-knowledge gaps if the scope (lo- cal, state, regional, or national) of issues varies? 7) What about comparisons when the communication vari- able is information available in the social system, either gener- ally, during community debates on issues, or in information campaigns, as compared with exposure or attention on the indi- vidual level?16 8) What about the character of information networks (inter- personal, organized group, media) and the amount and type of access to specific types of networks? 9) Under what conditions can belief-knowledge gaps be nar- rowed or closed? 10) What does it take for liberals and conservatives to change their focus from winning at any cost to working together to solve problems? When ideological conflicts are viewed as tensions between cultures, it is possible to adopt a more anthropological assess- ment, as many would in addressing conflicts between racial, ethnic, or cultural groups in communities or within or between nations. Instead of demonizing the other culture, one can begin to frame solutions by accepting the other as valid, by trying to understand the differences, and by appealing to the other cul- tural groups’ values, conceptual systems (Ecklund & Scheitle, 2007; Lakoff, 1996), mores, and social life (Haidt & Graham, 2007). Scientists with religious affiliations can help to bridge divisions between ideological groups when religiosity plays a role and can “productively contribute to dialogue about what distinguishes scientific and religious claims” (Ecklund & Scheitle, 2007). 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