Social-Environmental Factors and Suicide Mortality: A Narrative Review of over 200 Articles

doi:10.4236/sm.2013.32021

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2013. Vol.3, No.2, 137-148

Published Online April 2013 in SciRes (http://www.scirp.org/journal/sm) http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/sm.2013.32021

Social-Environmental Factors and Suicide Mortality:

A Narrative Review of over 200 Articles

Allison Milner1, Heidi Hjelmeland2,3, Ella Arensman4, Diego De Leo1

1Australian Institute for Suicide Research and Prevention, Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia

2Department of Social Work and H ealth Science, Norwegian U niv ersity of Science and Technology,

Trondheim, Norway

3Department of Health Surveillance and Suicide Prevention, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, Oslo, Norway

4National Suicide Research Foundation and Department of Epidemiology and Public Health,

University College Cork, Cork, Ireland

Email: allison.milner@unimelb.edu.au

Received December 12th, 2012; revised January 26th, 201 3; accepted February 9th, 2013

Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the

original work is properly cited.

Suicide mortality in a population has long been thought to be sensitive to social, economic and cultural

contexts. This review examined research on the relationship between social-environmental variables and

suicide mortality published over a ten-year period. The main areas covered in the review included: the

economy and income, unemployment, relationship status, fertility and birth rates, female participation in

the workforce, religion, migration, location of residence, modernisation, media reporting, alcohol, and

access to suicide methods. Results of the review indicated that rates of suicide mortality (deaths per

100,000 in a population) were sensitive to a wide range of social factors. There were relatively stable as-

sociations noted between divorce and unemployment with suicide mortality, while many of the reported

associations between suicide mortality and other social variables (such as religion, fertility and female

participation in the workforce) were influenced by contextual factors and time. These findings indicate the

importance of considering the relationship between social factors and suicide as dynamic phenomena.

Keywords: Suicide; Social Factors; Economic Factors; Review; Durkheim; Suicide Prevention

Introduction

The relationship between suicide mortality within social,

economic and cultural contexts has been a long-standing area of

interest to suicide researchers. As far back as the late 1800s, it

was argued that the burden of suicide in a society reflected the

political, religious, economic and social environment in which

the behaviour was embedded (Durkheim, 1897). According to

Durkheim’s (1897) social-environmental approach, a marked

change to any of these environmental factors may disrupt pro-

tective and normative social roles, values and relationships, and

is associated with greater risk of suicide. This seminal work has

influenced hundreds of other studies, as summarised in past

review papers (Moksony, 1990; Stack, 1982; Stack, 2000a,

2000b).

With the last review paper on the topic published over ten

years ago, the present article aimed to provide updated evidence

about the relationship between social-environmental variables

and suicide in a narrative way. The central focus of the review

was on those factors responsive to changes in social environ-

ments, rather than those related to climatic elements, internal

psychological states or biology (e.g., mental illness and genetic

differences between populations). The article particularly fo-

cused on studies assessing economic strain (changes in national

income, income inequality, unemployment and modernisation)

and social bonds in society (such as relationship status, fertil-

ity/birth rates, gender role shifts, religion and migration). This

narrative review also covered research into several other so-

cial-environmental factors shown to have an influence on sui-

cide, including alcohol use in society (Ramstedt, 2001) and

media reports of suicide (Pirkis & Blood, 2001a, 2001b). Dif-

ferences in access to lethal means used in suicide were also

considered, as these have been shown to vary across social

contexts (Ajdacic-Gross et al., 2008).

Search Strategy

The search strategy was conducted through five main data-

bases: Scopus, PubMed, Proquest, Sociological Abstracts and

Web of Knowledge. These databases were chosen based on the

content of research covered and the scope and number of jour-

nals indexed. The search terms used in the review targeted

studies focusing on the relationship between suicide and indi-

cators of economic strain (changes in national income, unem-

ployment etc.) and social bonds (relationship and family status

etc.,). Decisions about the indicators to include in the review

were based on discussion with several expert suicide research-

ers and the study authors. The selection of search terms and was

guided by past reviews and research (Stack, 2000a, 2000b) and

included “suicide mortality” and “suicide rates” in relation to

the following: “economy”, “income”, “unemployment”, “rela-

tionship status”, “fertility rate”, “birth rate”, “female labour

A. MILNER ET AL.

force participation”, “gender role”, “religion”, “migration”,

“rural”, and “modernisation”. The review also considered evi-

dence about the prevalence of alcohol, access to common sui-

cide methods, and the influence of media reporting on suicide

(terms included: “alcohol”, “access to means” and “media”) as

all of these areas were deemed to be sensitive to social and

cultural contexts.

The search parameters of this review were set for research

published from the year 2000 onwards; however, we considered

older literature if no recent research was available or if an older

article made an important empirical or theoretical contribution

to knowledge.

The initial search results presented more than 4000 articles.

Out of these, articles published in English peer-reviewed jour-

nals were considered as eligible. As empirically-based studies

were the focus of the review, papers making purely conceptual

or theoretical contributions were excluded. We only examined

studies explicitly considering social and environmental influ-

ences on suicide mortality (usually in the form of suicide

“rates” or deaths in a population).

Articles were then grouped according to subject area. Visual

inspection of all abstracts was conducted in order to determine

relevance to the review. At the end, there were 222 articles that

were read in full for this narrative review.

The Ecological Correlates of Suicide: Empirical

Evidence

The Economy and Income (n = 39)

Findings from both cross-sectional and longitudinal ecologi-

cal studies indicate that suicide rates are associated with im-

provements and downturns in economic functioning (Baller,

Levchak, & Schultz, 2010; Berk, Dodd, & Henry, 2006;

Chuang & Huang, 2007; Hintikka, Saarinen, & Viinamaki,

1999; Lester & Yang, 1997; Mo niruzzaman & Andersson, 2008;

Tapia Granados & Diez Roux, 2009; Yang & Lester, 2001;

Zhang et al., 2010). An increase in suicide rates appears to be

particularly observable in locations that have experienced rapid

social, political and cultural change (Maag, 2008; Milner,

McClure, & De Leo, 2012; Milner, McClure, Sun, & De Leo,

2011), such as countries of the former USSR (Babones, 2008;

Brainerd, 2001; King, Hamm, & Stuckler, 2009) and in Asia

(Chang, Gunnell, Sterne, Lu, & Cheng, 2009; Khang, Lynch, &

Kaplan, 2005). Research also suggests the association between

the economy and suicide may change over time. For example,

suicide rates may initially decrease during times of economic

improvement but stabilise or increase after a specific level of

economic development has been reached (Yang & Lester, 2001).

Aside from fluctuations in the economy, suicide may also be

influenced by the level of income obtained in a population

(Chang et al., 2011; Sareen, Afifi, McMillan, & Asmundson,

2011; Sher, 2006). A longitudinal (1980-1998) investigation in

over 60 countries found that suicide initially decreased as in-

come per capita rose, but increased after a certain level of in-

come was obtained (Neumayer, 2003). These results support

the ‘Easterlin hypothesis’, which argues that human wellbeing

is contingent on material conditions only until a specific level

of wealth has been achieved, after which wellbeing may depend

on psychological or lifestyle factors (Easterlin, 1974; Graham

& Pettinato, 2002; Pugno, 2009).

Another area of research concerns the relationship between

income inequality and suicide. Researchers have argued that

income inequality creates greater risk for adverse health out-

comes by generating class and social differences in access to

income, education, and health services (Pompili et al., 2011).

The detrimental effect of income inequality may also be con-

nected to a loss of social capital, as well as deprivation and

stress (Kawachi, Kennedy, Lochner, & Prothrow-Smith, 1997;

Wilkinson, 1997). Certainly, research evidence seems to indi-

cate that suicide is highest in those groups most disadvantaged

in society (e.g. lower educational and socio-economic groups)

(Daly & Wilson, 2009; Lorant et al., 2005; Mäki & Martikainen,

2009; Miller et al., 2005; Page, Morrell, Taylor, Carter, &

Dudley, 2006). However, there is mixed evidence about effect

of income inequality at country-level, with a number of studies

reporting no significant relationship with suicide mortality

(Leigh & Jencks, 2007; Lynch et al., 2001; Rodríguez Andrés,

2005), while others indicated an increase in suicide mortality

(De Vogli & Gimeno, 2009; Fernquist, 2003; Gunnell, Middle-

ton, Whitley, Dorling, & Frankel, 2003; Inagaki, 2010). These

conflicting results may be related to methodological factors,

such as problems in the use of proxy variables used to measure

inequality (Babones, 2008). Varia tion in the relationshi p between

inequality and suicide is also likely to reflect country-level

factors, such as exi sting economic and political backgrounds.

Unemployment (n = 30)

While most studies have reported that higher unemployment

is accompanied by an increase in suicide rates (Abe, 2004;

Andres & Halicioglu, 2010; Berk et al., 2006; Blakely, Collings,

& Atkinson, 2003; Chang, Sterne, Huang, Chuang, & Gunnell,

2010; Chen, Yip, Lee, Fan, & Fu, 2010; Chuang & Huang,

2007; Corcoran & Arensman, 2011; Fernquist, 2007; Kuroki,

2010; Lewis & Sloggett, 1998; Lin, 2006; Milner, McClure, et

al., 2012; Preti & Miotto, 1999; Tsai & Cho, 2011; Yamasaki,

Sakai, & Shirakawa, 2005; Ying & Chang, 2009), a smaller

number of studies have found no or mixed evidence of this

association (Chang, Sterne et al., 2010; Crawford & Prince,

1999; Lucey et al., 2005; Platt, Micciolo, & Tansella, 1992).

These differences may be due to the fact that unemployment

is influenced by individual factors associated with both the loss

of a job and suicide, such as mental illness (Agerbo, 2003;

Blakely et al., 2003; Jin, 1995; Noh, 2009). It is also possible

that there are differences based on the length of unemployment,

with several past studies finding the highest risk of suicide oc-

curs within the first few years of unemployment and then de-

creases up to 16 years after the loss of a job (Lundin, Lundberg,

Hallsten, Ottosson, & Hemmingsson, 2010; Milner, Page, &

Lamontagne, 2012). The adverse effect of job-loss may be par-

ticularly accentuated during times of low unemployment in a

population, as this represents a deviation from social norms

(more than in times of high unemployment, when unemploy-

ment may be normative) (Lundin et al., 2010; Martikainen &

Valkonen, 1996; Milner, Page, et al., 2012). The relationship

between unemployment and suicide may also be affected by

other factors such as income per capita. For example, Noh

(2009) found that unemployment was related to an increase in

suicide rates when examined in relation to a higher income, but

not when examined in relation to lower income. Political con-

text, employment conditions and media reporting of suicide in

the country have also been found to be relevant factors (Chen et

al., 2010).

Past research indicates that unemployment has a stronger in-

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fluence on male suicide than female suicide (Berk et al., 2006;

Blakely et al., 2003; Chan, Yip, Wong, & Chen, 2007; Kuroki,

2010; Preti & Miotto, 1999; Pritchard, 1992; Qin, Mortensen,

Agerbo, Westergard-Nielsen, & Eriksson, 2000). However,

other research casts some doubt on these gender-specific find-

ings (Chen et al., 2010; Kposowa, 2001). Therefore, despite

some differences in results, most research suggests that unem-

ployment increases suicide risk, but this relationship likely to

be influenced by various individua l a n d co n t e xtual factors.

Relationship Status (n = 27)

Findings from studies at both the aggregate and individual

level show that divorce (Andres & Halicioglu, 2010; Chang et

al., 2011; Corcoran & Nagar, 2010; Denney, Rogers, Krueger,

& Wadsworth, 2009; Gunnell et al., 2003; Kposowa, 2000;

Leenaars & Lester, 1999; Masocco et al., 2010; Masocco et al.,

2008; Wu & Bond, 2006), separation (Barstad, 2008; Ide,

Wyder, Kolves, & De Leo, 2011; Wyder, Ward, & De Leo,

2009) and widowhood (Ajdacic-Gross et al., 2007; Corcoran,

2009; Denney et al., 2009; Luoma & Pearson, 2002; Masocco

et al., 2010; Masocco et al., 2008) result in a higher likelihood

of suicide. In comparison, marriage is commonly found to be

negatively related to suicide (Cutright & Fernquist, 2007;

Cutright, Stack, & Ferquist, 2007; Griffiths, Ladva, Brock, &

Baker, 2008; Masocco et al., 2008; O’Reilly, Rosato, Connolly,

& Cardwell, 2008; Qin, Agerbo, & Mortensen, 2003). Some

research has suggested that male suicide is more sensitive to

macro-level indicators of relationship breakdown than female

suicide (Andres & Halicioglu, 2010; Corcoran & Nagar, 2010;

Cutright & Fernquist, 2004; Gunnell et al., 2003; Rodríguez

Andrés, 2005).

However, it is likely that the protective effect of marriage is

culturally specific, as research from China shows that family

and relationship stress can increase the risk of suicide in mar-

ried women (Zhang, 2010). Research also suggests that the

association between relationship status and suicide is sensitive

to social change, as well as age, gender and the time period

under analysis (Messner, Bjarnason, Raffalovich, & Robinson,

2006; Pampel, 1998; Trovato, 1987). Other individual and con-

textual factors also considered to be important to the associa-

tion between relationship status and suicide include stigma

towards help-seeking, social isolation, unemployment, and

alcohol and drug use (Masocco et al., 2010). Therefore, it ap-

pears that the protective effects of relationships on suicide are

related to social and cultural norms and individual factors.

Birth Rates (n = 11)

Proxy variables such as fertility and birth rates at the country

level are usually found to be negatively related to suicide

(Andres & Halicioglu, 2010; Bhandarkar & Shah, 2008; Fern-

quist & Cutright, 1998; Leenaars & Lester, 1999; Shah, 2008).

These findings follow Durkheim’s (1897) suggestion that par-

ent-child relationships provide an important source of protec-

tion against suicide (Stack, 1996-1997; Umberson, 1987).

However, the relationship between higher fertility/birth rates

and lower suicide rates may be contingent on normative family

structures in society. For example, research using the indicator

of non-marital births (a proxy used to represent the weakening

of the family institution) has been associated with higher sui-

cide rates in wealthy areas of the world (Messner et al., 2006;

Stockard & O'Brien, 2002). However, research conducted in

Ireland suggests that this association was also sensitive to

changes in social norms over time (Lucey et al., 2005).

Female Participation in the Workforce (n = 18)

Studies conducted in the 1970s and 1980s found that gender

role shifts, measured through indicators such as female labour

force participation (FLFP), were related to higher suicide rates

in wealthy areas of the world (Davis, 1981; Krupinski, 1980;

Lester & Yang, 1991; Newman, Whittemore, & Newman,

1973). Some other studies report a mixed or changing relation-

ship between FLFP and suicide (Burr, McCall, & Powell-

Griner, 1997; Lucey et al., 2005; Stack, 1987; Trovato & Vos,

1992), which may be because social norms and values have

adjusted to female employment in high-income countries over

time (i.e., as female employment does not pose a threat to nor-

mative values or roles in society) (Austin, Bologna, & Hayama

Dodge, 1992; Stack, 2000b). However, other research supports

the idea that female participation in the workforce has an ad-

verse influence on male and female suicide rates (Aliverdinia &

Pridemore, 2009; Cutright & Fernquist, 2001a; Fernquist, 1999;

Fernquist & Cutright, 1998; Milner, McClure, et al., 2012;

Neumayer, 2003; Yamasaki, Araki, Sakai, & Voorhees, 2008).

Some of the reasons for these differences may be connected to

social, economic or cultural differences in the settings under

study. For example, the context of female employment and

suicide in Iran (Aliverdinia & Pridemore, 2009) would be

markedly different from that in high-income western countries

(Cutright & Fernquist, 2001b). These mixed findings suggest

the need for more in-depth research into the relationship be-

tween suicide and gender role changes in the workforce across

cultural and income groups.

Religion (n = 17)

Studies on the relationship between suicide and religion gen-

erally report a negative association, both when measured indi-

rectly (e.g. religious book production, proportion of a specific

religion in the population, ordained clergy rate) (Baller &

Richardson, 2002; Ellison, Burr, & McCall, 1997; Fernquist,

2007; Fernquist & Cutright, 1998) and more directly (e.g.

church adherence, active membership in a religious group,

strength of religious beliefs in society) (Baller & Richardson,

2002; Cutright & Fernquist, 2004; Ellison et al., 1997; Helli-

well, 2007; Neeleman, 1997; Van Tubergen, Te Grotenhuis, &

Ultee, 2005). As with other ecological factors relevant to sui-

cide, the relationship between religion and suicide also appears

to be influenced by cultural contexts (e.g., European versus

Asian areas of the world), gender and age (Clarke, Bannon, &

Denihan, 2003; Colucci & Martin, 2008; Gearing & Lizardi,

2009), as well as changing societal contexts and norms (Cleary

& Brannick, 2007). For example, it has been noted that relig-

ions with stronger affiliations, values and family traditions may

offer greater protection against suicide (Neeleman, 1998;

Neeleman & Lewis, 1999). In agreement with Durkheim (1897),

Faria and colleagues (Faria, Victora, Meneghel, De Carvalho,

& Falk, 2006) identified higher male suicide rates in predomi-

nantly Protestant regions in Rio Grande do Sul. A possible

explanation is that integration and social cohesion is not as

strong in Protestant societies as in Catholic societies. A study

by Pritchard and Baldwin (Pritchard & Baldwin, 2000) also

A. MILNER ET AL.

reported important differences in respect to age, as elderly peo-

ple in traditional Catholic or Orthodox locations were found to

have higher suicide rates than those in less traditional states. It

is also necessary to consider that religions with a strongly pro-

hibitive attitude toward suicide may reinforce stigma, leading to

greater concealment and inaccurate reporting (van Poppel &

Day, 1996).

Migrants (n = 20)

There is mixed evidence about the influence of migration on

suicide. While some research supports the premise that migra-

tion is associated with higher suicide rates (Burvill, 1998; Jo-

hansson, Sundquist, Johansson, Qvist, & Bergman, 1997; Stack,

1981; Stack, 2000b; Whitley, Gunnell, Dorling, & Smith, 1999),

this relationship appears to be contingent on individual factors

related to the migrant and their country of origin (Ferrada-Noli,

2007; Hjern, Lindblad, & Vinnerljung, 2002; Johansson, Sund-

quist, Johansson, Bergman, et al., 1997; Kliewer, 1991; Voracek

& Loibl, 2008; Westman, Sundquist, Johansson, Johansson, &

Sundquist, 2006). Migrant suicide is also likely to be influenced

by ethnicity, gender, age, socioeconomic status and residence in

urban or rural area of residence of the host country (Kliewer &

Ward, 1988; Morrell, Taylor, Slaytor, & Ford, 1999; Shah,

Lindesay, & Dennis, 2009; Singh & Siahpush, 2006; Taylor,

Morrell, Slaytor, & Ford, 1998; Trovato & Jarvis, 1986). Fac-

tors such as shorter duration of residence (Hjern & Allebeck,

2002) and relationship status (i.e., single immigrants may have

higher risk) (Kposowa, McElvain, & Breault, 2008) could also

have an influence on migrant suicide rates. A study by Ott and

colleagues (Ott, Winkler, Kyobutungi, Laki, & Becher, 2008)

also suggests that second generation immigrants are at greater

risk of suicide than their parental generation.

Rural Lo cations (n = 26)

Studies from a number of different cultural contexts report

that those living in rural areas are more at risk of suicide than

those living in urban areas (Dudley, Kelk, Florio, Howard, &

Waters, 1998; Gartner, Farewell, Roach, & Dunstan, 2011;

Hempstead, 2006; Kapusta et al., 2008; Kim, Jung-Choi, Jun, &

Kawachi, 2010; Phillips, 2009; Singh & Siahpush, 2002; Yip,

Callanan, & Yuen, 2000). For example, research in Australia

and New Zealand suggests that younger and older males in

rural areas have higher suicide rates than their metropolitan

counterparts (Caldwell, Jorm, & Dear, 2004; Dudley et al.,

1998; Morrell et al., 1999; Yip et al., 2000), while older adults

and females are reported as being more “at risk” in rural areas

of Asia (Liu, Tein, Zhao, & Sandler, 2005; Phillips, Li, &

Zhang, 2002; Pritchard, 1996; Yip et al., 2000). There are a

number of explanations for these geographical differences,

some of which focus on exposure to risk factors (e.g. drugs and

alcohol abuse), prevalence of treatment and support services

(e.g. availability of mental health services), and access to lethal

suicide methods (Caldwell et al., 2004; Hempstead, 2006;

Hirsch, 2006; Judd, Cooper, Fraser, & Davis, 2006; Klieve,

Barnes, & De Leo, 2009; Klieve, Sveticic, & De Leo, 2009;

Konradsen, Hoek, & Peiris, 2006; Konradsen et al., 2003; Rob-

erts et al., 2003; Saunderson, Haynes, & Langford, 1998).

Other researchers focus on the role of cultural norms in rural

and urban areas, and the importance of values and relationships

in the surrounding psycho-social environment (Alston, 2010;

Baller & Richardson, 2002; Dudley et al., 1998; Hirsch, 2006;

Pritchard, 1996). The relationship between rural residence and

suicide has also been found to be sensitive to societal change,

as studies have reported changes in the rural-urban suicide ratio

over time (Chang, Gunnell, Wheeler, Yip, & Sterne, 2010;

Kapusta et al., 2008; Page, Morrell, Taylor, Dudley, & Carter,

2007; Pearce, Barnett, & Jones, 2007).

Modernisation (n = 8)

Durkheim’s (1897) research investigated the influence of

modernisation (conceptualised as the process of industrialisa-

tion, urbanisation and secularisation) on suicide rates in Euro-

pean nations in the late 1800s. According to Durkheim, the

changes modernisation brought to society disrupted regulatory

mechanisms and the social and community bonds that protected

against suicide: “every disturbance of equilibrium, even though

it may involve greater comfort and a raising of the general pace

of life, provides an impulse to voluntary death” (Durkheim,

1897: pp. 206-207). More recent studies on the relationship

between modernisation and suicide rates have produced differ-

ent results (Stack, 2000b). Stack (2000b) presents two possible

reasons for this. Firstly, he argues that after the “initial shocks”

of modernisation have passed, suicide rates in society will cease

to be sensitive to this process. Secondly, the high degree of

correlation between indicators traditionally used as proxies for

modernisation creates methodological complications.

Several recent approaches have attempted to address these

limitations by modifying the concept to include variables that

may better reflect contemporary societies. For example, Fern-

quist and Cutright (1998) used indicators such as telephone

lines per 100 persons and tertiary education enrolments to pro-

vide an updated understanding of modernisation in developed

nations. A study by Vijayakumar and colleagues (2005) pro-

vides another perspective on this topic. These researchers found

that countries with a medium “human development index” (an

aggregate measure of human development in terms of life ex-

pectancy, literacy, and income) had lower suicide rates. Zhang

(1998) measures modernisation through variables such as birth

rate and age distribution of the population, life-expectancy,

urbanisation, percentage of married women using contraception,

and per capita GNP. An alternative approach is presented by

Mäkinen (1997), who measures modernisation through vari-

ables such as marriage and divorce, the percentage of births

occurring outside marriage, female employment, unemploy-

ment, and the ownership of television sets. In 2007, Graeff and

Mehlkopf defined modernisation as a “technical form of social

change” and measured this through indicators such as intensifi-

cation of communication processes and size of the government

(implying the effect of the government on social welfare). Most

recently, a study using an aggregate measure of globalisation

found that this was associated with higher suicide rates in 35

areas of the world (Milner et al., 2011). However, it is worth

noting that the studies presented above deviate from the origi-

nal concept of modernisation described by Durkheim (1897).

Media Reporting of Suicide (n = 19)

Media guidelines for the reporting of suicide are commonly

included in national intervention efforts because of the concern

that insensitive descriptions may result in an increase in suicide

deaths (Cheng, Hawton, Lee, & Chen, 2007; Fu & Yip, 2007;

Pirkis, Blood, Beautrais, Burgess, & Skehans, 2006; Stack,

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A. MILNER ET AL.

2009). There is some evidence to support this perspective, as

recent research papers identify an increase in suicide rates after

damaging media reports (Chen et al., 2010; Chen, Chen, & Yip,

2011; Fu, Chan, & Yip, 2011; Gould, 2001; Hagihara, Tarumi,

& Abe, 2007; Niederkrotenthaler & Sonneck, 2007; Pirkis &

Blood, 2001a, 2001b; Stack, 2005; Sudak & Sudak, 2005; Tsai

& Cho, 2011). This relationship appears to be stronger for fac-

tual media reports (Cheng, Hawton, Chen et al., 2007; Cheng,

Hawton, Lee et al., 2007; Niederkrotenthaler et al., 2009; Pirkis

& Blood, 2001a; Yip et al., 2006) than for fictional reports of

suicide (e.g. films, television, music etc.) (Pirkis & Blood,

2001b). Further, a meta-analysis of 55 studies on non-fictional

accounts found that stories related to entertainment or political

suicides were more often associated with a rise in suicide

(Stack, 2005). This review also found substantially more imita-

tive effects for female suicide rates than male rates, and less

likelihood of imitative effects in younger or middle aged groups.

The association between media reporting and suicide is also

dependent on the length of time between the occurrence of the

suicide and publishing of the story, the number of media

sources covering the event, and the specific characteristics of

case (Pirkis et al., 2006). Recent research by Niederkroten-

thaler and colleagues (2010) reports that printed media articles

that focused on specific suicide deaths and “myths” of suicide

had a detrimental effect, while those articles on coping behav-

iours and suicide ideation (not accompanied by suicidal behav-

iours) were not associated with an increase in suicide. Nied-

erkrotenthaler and Sonneck (2007) also reported that imple-

menting media guidelines was related to more appropriate me-

dia reporting of suicide and reduced suicide rates. The mode of

coverage is also likely to be important, with television stories

being less conducive to imitative effects than newspaper stories

(Stack, 2005).

Alcohol (n = 17)

Alcohol has been linked to increased country-level suicide

rates in Europe, Canada (Hintikka et al., 1999; Inelmen, Gaz-

erro, Inelmen, Sergi, & Manzato, 2010; Landberg, 2008; Mann,

Zalcman, Smart, Rush, & Suurvali, 2006; Ramstedt, 2001) and

in Japan (Nakaya et al., 2007). Alcohol is also thought to be

associated with higher rates of suicide in some Indigenous

groups and in the Pacific, although empirical data on this rela-

tionship is scarce (De Leo, Milner, & Sveticic, 2012; Laliberté

& Tousignant, 2009; Rubinstein, 1992). At a social level, these

associations may vary depending on gender, the prevalence and

type of alcohol available, and the attitude toward alcohol con-

sumption in society (Bloomfield, Stockwell, Gmel, & Rehn,

2003; Kuendig et al., 2008; Landberg, 2008, 2009; Norström &

Skog, 2001; Peele, 1997; Rossow, 1996). For example, the

relationship between suicide and alcohol consumption per cap-

ita appears to be more noticeable in countries where spirit con-

sumption is high (such as those in Eastern Europe), compared

to countries with moderate drinking practices (Inelmen et al.,

2010; Landberg, 2008; Pridemore, 2006; Stickley, Jukkala, &

Norstrom, 2011). These findings indicate the importance of

considering the national cultural attitude toward alcohol, as

well as the actual prevalence of alco h ol in a country.

Access to Suicide Methods (n = 21)

In western countries, a large number of suicide deaths occur

by hanging, while pesticide poisoning is a major cause of death

in Asia and Latin America (Ajdacic-Gross et al., 2008; Kon-

radsen et al., 2006; Konradsen et al., 2003; Mohamed et al.,

2009; Roberts et al., 2003). There are also noticeable gender

differences in the use of suicide methods in many countries,

with females more likely to overdose on drugs or poisons,

while men tend to use methods such as hanging and firearms

(Hawton, Fagg, Simkin, Harriss, & Malmberg, 1998; Payne,

Swami, & Stanistreet, 2008). It is likely that these differences

reflect both cultural and social attitudes towards specific

method choice, as well as more pragmatic considerations about

the availability of methods (Kanchan, Menon, & Menezes,

2009; Lin, Chang, & Lu, 2010).

Reducing access to commonly used methods (e.g. tighter

regulation and access to firearms, illegal and legal drugs, agri-

cultural pesticides and domestic gas) has been associated with

lower suicide within some populations (Beautrais, Fergusson,

& Horwood, 2005; Daigle, 2005; Hawton, 2007; Nordentoft,

Qin, Helweg-Larsen, & Juel, 2006, 2007; Rodríguez Andrés &

Hempstead, 2011; Skegg & Herbison, 2009; Wong, Chan, Lau,

Morgan, & Yip, 2009). However, research also suggests the

importance of considering the risk of method substitution

(whereby suicidal persons prevented from using one method

will shift consideration to an alternate method) and the other

possible influences such as the degree of familiarity with the

method, gender, age and geographical location (De Leo, Dwyer,

Firman, & Neulinger, 2003; De Leo, Evans, & Neulinger, 2002;

Klieve, Barnes et al., 2009; Klieve, Sveticic et al., 2009; Rob-

erts et al., 2003).

Discussion

This review covered an extensive number of studies, all of

which used different approaches and methodologies to examine

the relationship between social-environmental factors and sui-

cide mortality. The outcomes of the review indicate that suicide

is influenced by a wide range of factors such as income (na-

tional income, income per capita), employment trends (unem-

ployment and female labour force participation), family bonds

and relationships (fertility, relationship status), religion, loca-

tion of residence, media reporting of suicide, access to alcohol

in society, and lethal means used to suicide. The loss of a

spouse (either through divorce or widowhood) appears to be

associated with an increase in suicide rates, while female

workforce participation, fertility/birth rates, and religion appear

to vary over time and between contexts.

As a methodological comment, the research discussed in this

paper was conducted using different designs at both the aggre-

gate and individual level. Numerous studies used ecological

designs (e.g., Babones, 2008; Berk et al., 2006; Brainerd, 2001;

Chang et al., 2009; Chuang & Huang, 2007; Durkheim, 1897;

Hintikka et al., 1999; Milner, McClure et al., 2012; Milner et al.,

2011; Milner, Page et al., 2012) either measured over time

while fewer used cohort designs (Lundin et al., 2010; Mäki &

Martikainen, 2009; Pritchard, 1992; Qin et al., 2003; Qin et al.,

2000). The rationale for using ecological designs as they are

able to measure social phenomena or states in relation to death

in a population, while cohort studies can control for possible

individual confounding factors, such as education or occupa-

tion.

Various limitations may have influenced the findings of this

review. First, the holistic nature of it means that our review did

not discuss methodological or analytic aspects of research arti-

A. MILNER ET AL.

cles. However, the aim of this paper was to provide an over-

view of the general findings on these topics rather than provid-

ing specific detailed information on a topic. Indeed, each on the

topics discussed in this paper could be (and potentially should

be) the topic of a whole other paper. Another limitation is that

the review did not distinguish between compositional (e.g. the

characteristics of individuals concentrated within particular

places) or contextual effects (e.g. factors in the local physical or

social environment) (Macintyre, Ellaway, & Cummins, 2002).

As we focused only on suicide mortality, it is not possible to

generalise the outcomes of this review to non-fatal suicidal

behaviours. There are also limitations concerning the design of

the study and a number of relevant research papers may have

been missed due to the selection of search terms or databases

used. Further, the search strategy was skewed towards research

from high-income areas due to lack of published data from

low-income areas of the world (Bertolote, Fleischmann, De Leo,

& Wasserman, 2004).

Another issue was the continued reliance on material pub-

lished from before the year 2000. This may have reflected dif-

ferences in research interest over time. For example, there has

been relatively little attention to the topic of gender role change

in recent years, while topics like media reporting or unem-

ployment have been the focus of a number of recent research

articles. It is also necessary to note that investigation into some

social factors, such as economic change, have a longer history

of research than o t h e r s .

The dynamic relationship between social-environmental fac-

tors and suicide indicates the importance of longitudinal and

contextually specific studies able to identify time intervals at

which the relationship between social variables and suicide is

most salient. These findings can also be important for suicide

prevention. For example, research on “acute” points during

which unemployment, migration or divorce are associated with

the greatest likelihood of suicide may be able to inform risk

assessment and the development of targeted population-level

interventions. Research by Stuckler, Basu, Suhrcke, Coutts and

McKee (2009) provide evidence of the public health effects of

economic crises, in particular in terms of increasing suicide

rates. The authors underline the importance of active labour

market programs (e.g., those that keep and reintegrate workers

in jobs) in mitigating some adverse health effects of economic

downturns.

The high suicide risk among people living in rural areas un-

derlines the need to invest in prevention programs specifically

targeting rural areas, such as those aimed at improving the

skills of the general population in order to manage mental

health emergencies including suicidal behaviour (Ellis & Philip,

2010). However, in general, evidence suggests that reductions

in suicide of a population can be achieved through programs

containing multiple levels of intervention and which target

several at-risk groups (Hegerl, Althaus, Schmidtke, & Nik-

lewski, 2006).

Conclusion

Social and environmental contexts present a range of possi-

ble and heterogeneous influences on suicide mortality. This

review covered recent research about a wide range of factors

including income (national income, income per capita), em-

ployment trends (unemployment and female labour force par-

ticipation), family bonds and relationships (fertility and rela-

tionship status), religion, location of residence, media reporting

of suicide, access to alcohol in society, and lethal means used to

suicide. The strength and direction of some of these associa-

tions (e.g., female labour force participation, fertility and relig-

ion) appear to vary over time and between contexts. The influ-

ence of other factors such as relationship status and unemploy-

ment appear to be comparatively more stable. Aside from being

of interest to social researchers, the findings of this review

could be of relevance to policy develop as they highlight the

importance of social-environmental factors as protective and

risk factor for suicide mortality across population.

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